Cicero’s Letters to Atticus, Book 11

Translated by Evelyn Shuckburgh

CDIV (A XI, I)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

EPIRUS (JANUARY)

I have received from you the sealed document conveyed by Anteros. I could gather nothing from it about my domestic affairs. What gives me the most painful anxiety about them is the fact that the man who has acted as my steward is not at Rome, nor do I know where in the wide world he is. My one hope of preserving my credit and property is in your most thoroughly proved kindness; and if ill this unhappy and desperate crisis you still maintain that, I shall have greater courage to endure these dangers which are shared with me by the rest of the party. I adjure and intreat you to do so. I have in Asia in cistophori ¹ money amounting to 2,200,000 sesterces (about £17,600). By negotiating a bill of exchange for that sum you will have no difficulty in maintaining my credit. If indeed I had not thought that I was leaving that quite clear--in reliance on the man on whom you have long since known that I ought to have no reliance² --I should have stayed in Italy for some little time longer, and should not have left my finances embarrassed: and I have been the longer in writing to you because it was a long time before I understood what the danger to be feared was. I beg you again and again to undertake the protection of my interests in all respects, so that, supposing the men with whom I now am to survive, I may along with them remain solvent, and credit your kindness with my safety. [p. 3]

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¹ See vol. i., p.92. This was the coinage in circulation throughout Asia Minor. See Head, "Hist. Numm.," pp. 461 ff.

² His wife's freedman, Philotimus. I have translated Mueller's text minime credere me debere.

CDV (A XI, 2)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

EPIRUS, 5 FEBRUARY

I received your letter on the 4th of February, and on the same day formally accepted the inheritance in accordance with the will. Of my many and most distressing anxieties one is removed, if; as you say, this inheritance is sufficient to maintain my credit and reputation; though even without any inheritance I am aware that you would have defended them by all means at your disposal. As to what you say about the dowry,¹ I adjure you, in the name of all the gods, to undertake that whole business and protect the poor girl, whom my default and carelessness have reduced to distress, by the aid of funds belonging to me, if there are such, of your own if you can do so without inconvenience. You say that she is without any means: pray do not allow that state f things to continue. Why, what are the payments that have swallowed up the rents of my estates? For instance, one ever told me that the sixty sestertia, which you mention, had been deducted from the dowry; for I should never have allowed it. But this is the smallest of the frauds from which I have suffered: of which sorrow and tears prevent my writing to you. Of the money deposited in Asia I have called in nearly half. It seemed likely to be safer where it now is than in the hands of the publicani. You exhort me to be of good courage: I could have wisheded that you were able to allege some reason for my being so. But if to my other misfortunes there has been added the confiscation of my town house, which Chrysippus told me was in contemplation (you gave me no hint of it), who is he now in all the world in a worse plight than myself? I beg and beseech you,--pardon me, I can write no more. [p. 4] You must see what a crushing weight of sorrow mine is. If it were only such as is common to me with the rest of those who are regarded as being in the same position as myself, my error had seemed less grave and therefore more easy to bear. As it is, there is no consolation, unless you secure (if it is not now too late to secure it) that I have no special loss or wrong inflicted upon me. I have been somewhat slow in sending back your letter-carrier, because there was no opportunity of getting him across. Pray send letters in my name to any to whom you think it right to do so. You know my intimates. If they remark on the absence of my signet or handwriting, pray tell them that I have avoided using either owing to the military pickets.

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¹ The second instalment of Tullia's dowry now becoming due to Dolabella. See pp. 8, 10.

CDIX (A XI, 3)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

CAMP OF POMPEY IN EPIRUS, 13 JUNE

What is going on here you will be able to ascertain from the bearer of your letter. I have detained him longer than I otherwise should, because I am in daily expectation of something happening, and even now I have, after all, no other motive for despatching him except the subject on which you asked for an answer from me, namely, my wish as to the 1st of July. Both courses are dangerous-either the risk of so large a sum of money at so critical a time, or the divorce, of which you speak, while the result of the campaign is still uncertain. ¹ Wherefore, I leave this, as I do other things, as absolutely as possible to your care and kindness, and to her consideration and wishes, for whose interests-poor girl I-I should have consulted better, if I had formerly deliberated with you personally on our safety and property rather than by letter.

You say that in the common misfortune there is no danger threatening me more than anyone else. Well, there is some consolation certainly in that; yet there are also after all many circumstances peculiar to myself, which you must [p. 9] certainly see to be very dangerous and such as I might very easily have avoided. However, they will be less grave, if, as is the case at present, they are mitigated by your management and activity. The money is lodged with Egnatius. There, as far as I am concerned, let it remain. The present state of things cannot, I think, last long: so that I shall presently be able to know what it is most necessary to do. I am, however, hard put to it for every kind of thing, because he with whom I am² is in straits too, and I have lent him a large sum of money, under the idea that, when things are settled, that measure will be to my honour also.³

Yes, please, as before, if there are any persons whom you think ought to have a letter from me, compose one yourself.⁴ Remember me to your family. Take care of your health. First and foremost, as you say in your letter, by every means in your power be careful to see that nothing is wanting to her,⁵ on whose account you know that I am most unhappy.

From the camp. 13 June.

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¹ Dowries were paid in three instalments (pensiones). The second instalment was due to Tullia's husband, Dolabella, on the 1st of July. A divorce, however, was already under discussion. If that were effected Cicero would not have to pay. He is divided in mind. If he paid, and Pompey's side won, he would wish for the divorce, and yet would have difficulty in recovering the money. If Caesar's side won, the rupture with the Caesarian Dolabella might be dangerous.

² Pompey.

³ As well as to my profit.

⁴ See vol. i., p.164, and cp. sup. p. 4, for these vicarious letters.

⁵ Tullia.

CDXI (A XI, 4)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

(DYRRACHIUM, JULY)

I have received your letter by Isidorus, and two written subsequently. From the last in date I learn that the property did not sell. Pray, therefore, see that she¹ is supplied by you. As to the estate at Frusino,² always provided that I am destined to enjoy it, it will be a great convenience to me. You Complain of not getting a letter from me. My difficulty is lack of matter: I have nothing worth putting into a letter, for I am not at all satisfied with anything that is happening or anything that is being done. Oh that I had originally talked the matter over with you, instead of writing ! ³ Your property here, as far as I can, I protect with these people. The rest Celer⁴ will see to. Up to this time I have avoided every kind of function, the more so that it is impossible for anything to be done in a way suitable to my character and fortunes. You ask what fresh news there is.⁵ You will be able to learn from Isidorus. What remains to be done does not appear more difficult. Yes, pray, as you say in your letter, continue to give your attention to what you know to be my greatest wish. I am overpowered with anxiety, the result of which is extreme physical weakness also. When that is removed I shall join the man who is conducting the business, and is in a most hopeful state of mind.⁶ Brutus is friendly: he is [p. 11] extremely enthusiastic in the cause. This is as far as I can go on paper with prudence. Good-bye.

About the second instalment,⁷ pray consider with every possible care what ought to be done, as I mentioned in the letter conveyed to you by Pollex.

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¹ Tullia. The property, perhaps, was assigned to her by way of dowry. See p. 3.

² From Letter CCCCXXVI, it appears that Cicero had sold property at Frusino (on the via Latina), retaining the right to repurchase, which he now wished to do. See p.32.

³ The question of leaving Italy to join Pompey.

⁴ Atticus' father-in-law, Q. Pilius Celer. Of the property of Atticus in Epirus we have heard throughout the correspondence.

⁵ Mueller and others regard this as a separate letter, earlier in date than the previous part.

⁶ Pompey, whom however Cicero is careful not to name. This seems to be written after the successful piercing of Caesar's lines, during which Cicero, from ill-health, had left the camp for Dyrrachium.

⁷ Of Tullia's dowry. See p. 8.

CDXIV (A XI, 5)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM (4 NOVEMBER)

What the reasons were, and how distressing, peremptory, and unprecedented, which influenced me and compelled me to follow an impulsive feeling, so to speak, rather than deliberate thought, I cannot tell you in writing without the utmost anguish of mind. They were so powerful as to effect what you see.¹ Accordingly I cannot think of anything to say to you about my affairs or to ask of you. The actual result and the upshot of the whole business is before you. I have myself gathered from your letters-both the one written in conjunction with others, and the one in your own name--that (as I saw independently) being in a manner unnerved by the unexpected turn of affairs, you are trying to find other methods of protecting me. You say in your letter that you think I ought to come nearer, and make my journey through the towns by night: but I cannot at all see how that can possibly be done. For neither have I suitable stopping-places, in which I could possibly pass all the hours of daylight, nor for the object which you have in view does it much matter whether men see me in a town or on the road. However, I will consider even this, as I shall other plans, to see how it can be most advantageously managed. For myself, owing to my extraordinary uneasiness both of body and mind, I have been incapable of composing numerous letters: I have only answered those who have written to me. Pray write to Basilus and to others to whom you think it proper-even to Servilius² --in my name, and say whatever you think right. As to the long interval during which I have written nothing at all to you, you will [p. 14] understand from this letter that what I lacked was a subject to write about, not willingness to write. You ask about Vatinius.³ I should not have wanted attentions from him nor from anyone else either, if they could have found any way to be of use to me. Quintus was completely alienated from me at Patrae His son came thither also from Corcyra. From that place I presume that they have started with the rest.⁴

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¹ His leaving the Pompeian fleet and coming to Italy.

² P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, Caesar's colleague in the consulship. Basilus is L. Minucius Basilus, an officer of Caesar's, and afterwards one of his assassins.

³ Cicero's relations with P. Vatinius--though he had finally defended him at Pompey's request--had been so unfriendly, that Atticus had some reason for doubting how he would treat Cicero at Brundisium, where he was in command of some of Caesar's ships. (Caes. B. Alex. 47.)

⁴ I.e., to Asia or Alexandria, to make their peace with Caesar.

CDXVI (A XI, 6)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 27 NOVEMBER

I perceive that you are anxious both for your own and for our common fortunes, and above all for me and my sorrow, which, so far from being lessened by the association of yours with it, is thereby actually increased. Assuredly your sagacity has led you to divine the exact consolation that gives me the greatest relief. For you express approval of my policy, and say that in the circumstances what I did was the best thing I could do. You also add--what is of smaller importance in my eyes than your own opinion, and yet is not unimportant--that everybody else, everybody that is that matters, approves the step I have taken. If I thought that to be the case, it would lessen my pain. "Believe me," you say. I believe you of course, but I know how anxious you are to soothe my pain. Of abandoning the war I have not repented for a moment. So bloodthirsty were their sentiments, so close their alliance with barbarous tribes, that a scheme of proscription was formed-not against individuals, but whole classes--and the conviction was universally entertained by them that the property of you all was the prize of his victory. I say "you" advisedly: for even as to you personally there were never any but the harshest ideas. Wherefore I shall never repent of my decision: what I do repent of is my plan of procedure. I could have wished that I had rather remained in some town until invited to Italy.¹ I should have exposed myself to less remark and have felt less pain; this particular regret would not have been wringing my heart. To lie idle at Brundisium is vexatious in every point of view. As to coming nearer the city, as you advise, how can I do so without the lictors [p. 16] given me by the people? They cannot be taken from me as long as I am possessed of my civil rights. These lictors, as a temporary measure, when approaching the town, I caused to mingle with the crowd with only sticks in their hands, to prevent any attack on the part of the soldiery.² Since then I have confined myself to my house.³ I wrote to ask Oppius and Balbus to turn over in their minds as to how they thought that I should approach Rome. I think they will advise my doing so. For they undertake that Caesar will be anxious not only to preserve, but to enhance my position, and they exhort me to be of good courage, and to hope for the most distinguished treatment in all respects. This they pledge themselves to and affirm. Yet I should have felt more sure of it, if I had remained where I was. But I am harping upon what is past. Look therefore, I beg of you, to what remains to be done and investigate the case in conjunction with them; and if you think it necessary and they approve, let Trebonius and Pansa and anyone else be called into council, that Caesar's approbation of my step may be the better secured as having been taken in accordance with the opinion of his own friends, and let them write and tell Caesar that whatever I have done I have done in accordance with their judgment.

My dear Tullia's ill-health and weakness frightens me to death. I gather that you are shewing her great attention, for which I am deeply grateful.

I never had any doubt about what would be the end of Pompey. Such a complete despair of his success had taken possession of the minds of all the kings and nations, that I thought this would happen wherever he landed. I cannot but lament his fall: for I know him to have been honest, pure, and a man of principle.⁴ [p. 17]

Am I to condole with you about Fannius ?⁵ He used to indulge in mischievous talk about your remaining at Rome: while L. Lentulus had promised himself Hortensius's town house,⁶ Caesar's suburban villa, and an estate at Baiae. This sort of thing is going on upon this side in precisely the same way. The only difference is that in the former case there was no limit. For all who remained in Italy were held to be enemies. But I should like to talk over this some time or other when my mind is more at ease. I am told that my brother Quintus has started for Asia, to make his peace. About his son I have heard nothing. But ask Caesar's freedman Diochares, who brought the letter you mention from Alexandria. I have not seen him. He is said to have seen Quintus on his way--or perhaps in Asia itself. I am expecting a letter from you, as the occasion demands. Pray take care to get it conveyed to me as soon as possible.

27 November.

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¹ Apparently the expression of Caesar's wish to Dolabella, which he afterwards quotes in his own justification, does not seem to him sufficiently formal. See p.19.

² Brundisium was in the hands of the Caesarians under Vatinius with ships and men.

³ The text of this sentence is very uncertain. I have followed Mueller's reliquo tempore me domi tenui...ad Balbum scripsi.

⁴ Pompey was murdered on landing in Egypt on the 28th of September. The coldness of this reference does not accord well with Cicero's former warm expressions as to his "gratitude"to Pompey. But his language in regard to him is by no means uniformly that of admiration, often quite the reverse; and there had been much strained feeling between them in the camp in Epirus.

⁵ C. Fannius, tribune in B.C. 59. He was sent to Sicily B.C. 49 (vol., ii., p.252), but appears not to have gone, or at any rate he soon returned and joined Pompey in Epirus (ib. p.308). Whether he fell at Pharsalia, or afterwards with Pompey, we have no other information.

⁶ L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, one of the consuls of the previous year. Hortensius--the famous orator-was noted for the splendour of his villas; his town house, in which Augustus afterwards lived, is described by Suetonius as a "moderate building" (Aug. ch. 72); but that was in view of the splendid buildings of the imperial age. It seems to have been conspicuous at this time. The right owner, the younger Hortensius, was serving Caesar (vol ii., pp.392, 400).

CDXVIII (A XI, 7)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 17 DECEMBER

I am much obliged for your letter, in which you have set forth with great care all that you thought had any bearing on my position. Is it the case then, as you say in your letter, that your friends think that I should retain my lictors on the ground that Sestius has been allowed to do so?¹ But in his case I don't consider that his own lictors have been allowed him, but that lictors have been given him by Caesar himself.² For I am told that he refuses to acknowledge any decrees of the Senate passed after the withdrawal of the tribunes.³ Wherefore he will be able without forfeiting his consistency to acknowledge my lictors. However, why should I talk about lictors, who am all but ordered to quit Italy? For Antony has sent me a copy of Caesar's letter to him, in which he says that "he has been told that Cato and L. Metellus had come to Italy, with the intention of living openly at Rome: that he disapproved of that, for fear of its being the cause of disturbances: and that all are forbidden to come to Italy except those whose case he had [p. 19] himself investigated." And on this point the language of the despatch is very strong. Accordingly, Antony in his letter to me begged me to excuse him: "he could not but obey that letter." Then I sent L. Lamia to him, to point out that Caesar had told Dolabella to write and bid me come to Italy at the first opportunity: that I had come in consequence of his letter.⁴ Thereupon he made a special exception in his edict of myself and Laelius by name. I had much rather he had not done that; for the exception itself could have been made without mentioning names.⁵ Oh, what endless, what formidable dangers! However, you are doing your best to mitigate them: and not without success,--the very fact that you take such pains to lessen my distress lessens it. Pray do not get tired of doing so as frequently as possible. Now, you will best succeed in your object, if you can persuade me to think that I have not entirely forfeited the good opinion of the loyalists. And yet what can you do in that regard? Nothing, of course. But if circumstances do give you any opportunity, that is what will best be able to console me. I see that at present this is impossible, but if any thing should turn up in the course of events, as in the present instance! It used to be said that I ought to have left the country with Pompey. His death has disarmed criticism on that sin of omission. But of all things the one most found wanting in me is that I have not gone to Africa. Now my view of the question was this,--I did not think that the constitution ought to be defended by foreign auxiliaries drawn from the most treacherous race, especially against an army that had been frequently victorious. They perhaps disapprove that view. For I hear that many loyalists have arrived in Africa, and I know that there were many there before. On this point I am much pressed. Here again I must trust to luck,--that Some of them, or, if possible, all should be found to prefer their personal safety. For if they stick to their colours and [p. 20] prevail, you perceive what my position will be. You will say, "What about them, if they are beaten?" Such a blow is more creditable to them. These are the thoughts that torture me. You did not explain in your letter why you do not prefer Sulpicius's⁶ policy to mine. Though it is not so reputable that of Cato, yet it is free from danger and vexation. The last case is that of those who remain in Achaia. Even they are in a better position than I am, in two respects: there are many together in one place; and, when they do come to Italy, they will come straight back to Rome. Pray continue your present efforts to soften these difficulties and to secure the approbation of as many as possible. You apologize for not coming to me: I however am well acquainted with your reasons, and I also think it to my advantage that you should be where you are, if only to make to the proper people--as you are actually doing--the representations that have to be made in my behalf. Above all pray observe this. I believe that there are a number of people who have reported or will report to Caesar either that I repent of the course I have adopted, or do not approve of what is now going on: and, though both statements are true, yet they are made by them from an unfriendly feeling to me, not because they have perceived them to be so. In regard to this everything depends on Balbus and Oppius supporting my cause, and on Caesar's kind disposition towards me being confirmed by frequent letters from them. Pray do your utmost to secure that. A second reason for my not wishing you to leave Rome is that you mention in your letter that Tullia implores your help. What a misfortune I What am I to say? What can I wish? I will be brief: for a sudden flood of tears stops me. I leave it to you. Do as you think right. Only be careful that at such a crisis as this there may be no danger to her safety. Pardon me, I beseech you: I cannot dwell on this topic any longer for tears and grief. I will only say that nothing is more soothing to my feelings than your affection for her.

I am obliged to you for seeing to letters being sent to those to whom you think it necessary.⁷ I have seen a man who [p. 21] says that he saw young Quintus at Samos, and his father at Sicyon. They will easily obtain their pardons. I only hope that, as they will have seen Caesar first, they may choose to aid me with him as much as I should have wished to aid them, if I had had the power! You ask me not to be annoyed if there are any expressions in your letter likely to give me pain. Annoyed! Nay, I implore you to write everything to me with complete candour, as you do, and to do so as often as possible. Good-bye.

15 December.

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¹ The text is corrupt. I venture to read: arbitratus es. Itane est igitur, ut scribis, istis placere eisdem lictoribus me uti, quod concessum Sestio sit? Itane may without much violence be extracted from t ea, and factum be an inserted explanation of est.

² To P. Sestius had been allotted the province of Cilicia in succession to Cicero, but this allotment had taken place after the expulsion of the Tribunes in January, B.C. 49; for we know that Curio had up to 10th December, B.C. 50, prevented any decree as to the provinces (vol. ii., p.182). Therefore, Cicero argues, Caesar, who would not acknowledge any Senatus Consultum after the expulsion of the Tribunes, if he allows of Sestius having imperium, must do so as an act of his own. But in Cicero's own case his imperium dated long before, and Caesar could consistently acknowledge it.

³ M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, vol. ii., p.234.

⁴ Cicero repeats this assertion of Caesar's invitation afterwards, in answer to Antony's remark that he spared him at Brundisium when he might have killed him. (Phil. 2.5.)

⁵ Cicero did not wish his name to be mentioned as specially favoured by Caesar, for fear of being discredited with the Pompeians, should they eventually prevail. For Laelius, see p.33.

⁶ Servius Sulpicius Rufus (see vol. ii., pp.354, 361) retired to Samos after Pharsalia, and was soon afterwards employed by Caesar to govern Greece. His son had been in Caesar's army.

⁷ I. e., written in Cicero's name (see pp. 4, 9, 22).

CDXX (A XI, 8)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 25 DECEMBER

Though you of course see for yourself with what heavy anxieties I am consumed, yet you will be enlightened on that point by Lepta and Trebatius. I am being severely punished for my rashness, which you wish me to consider prudence; and I do not wish to prevent your maintaining that view [p. 22] and mentioning it in letters as often as possible. For your letter gives me sensible relief at such a time as this. You must exert yourself to the utmost by means of those who are favourably disposed to me and are influential with Caesar, especially by means of Balbus and Oppius, to induce them to write on my behalf as zealously as possible. For I am being attacked, as I hear, both by certain persons who are with him and by letter. We must counteract them as vigorously as the importance of the matter demands. Fufius¹ is there, a very bitter enemy of mine. Quintus has sent his son not only to plead on his own behalf, but also to accuse me. He gives out that he is being assailed by me before Caesar, though Caesar himself and all his friends refute this. Indeed he never stops, wherever he is, heaping every kind of abuse upon me. Nothing has ever happened to me so much surpassing my worst expectations, nothing in these troubles that has given me so much pain. People who say that they heard them from his own lips, when he was publicly talking at Sicyon in the hearing of numerous persons, have reported some abominable things to me. You know his style, perhaps have even had personal experience of it : ² well, it is all now turned upon me. But I increase my sorrow by mentioning it, and perhaps do the same to you. Wherefore I return to what I was saying: take care that Balbus sends someone expressly for this purpose. Pray have letters sent in my name to whom you choose. Good-bye.

25 December.

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¹ Q Fufius Calenus (see p.35).

² The tendency of Quintus to indulge in violent language is often referred to (see especially vol. i., p.128; vol. ii., pp.149, 191).

CDXXI (A XI, 9)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 3 JANUARY

Yes, it is quite as you say: I have acted both incautiously and in too great a hurry; nor have I any hope, seeing that I am only allowed to remain by special clauses of exemption in the edicts. If these had not been secured by your industry and kindness, I might have betaken myself to some lonely places. As it is, I can't even do that. For how does my having come before the new tribuneship help me, if' my having come at all is of no service to me ? ¹ Or what am I to expect from a man who was never friendly to me,² [p. 24] when my ruin and humiliation are now secured by an actual law? Already Balbus's letters to me become daily less cordial, and a great number from many hands reach Caesar, perhaps against me. I am perishing by my own fault. It is not chance that has caused me any misfortune, everything has been incurred by my own mistakes. The fact is that when I saw what sort of war it was going to be, and that universal unreadiness and feebleness were pitted against men in the highest state of preparation, I had made up my mind to a policy, not so much courageous, as one that I of all men was justified in adopting. I gave in to my relations, or rather, I obeyed them. What the real sentiments of one of them was-his whom you recommend to my forbearance³ --you will learn from his own letters, which he has sent to you and others. I should never have opened them, had it not been for the following circumstance. The bundle was brought to me. I untied it to see whether there was any letter for me. There was none. There was one for Vatinius, and another for Ligurius. ⁴ I ordered them to be delivered to these persons. They immediately came to me boiling with indignation, loudly exclaiming against "the villain." They read me the letters full of every kind of abuse of me. Ligurius raved: said, that he knew that Quintus was detested by Caesar, and yet that the latter had not only favoured him, but had also given him all that money out of compliment to me. Thus outraged I determined to ascertain what he had said in his letters to the rest. For I thought it would be fatal to Quintus himself if such a villainy on his part became generally known. I found that they were of the same kind. I am sending them to you, and if you think that it is for his interest that they should be delivered, please to deliver them. It won't do me any harm. For as to their having had their seals broken, Pomponia possesses his signet, I think.⁵ When he displayed that exasperation at [p. 25] the beginning of our voyage,⁶ he grieved me so deeply that I was quite prostrate after it, and even now he is said to be working not so much for himself as against me. So I am hard pressed by every kind of misery, and can hardly bear up against it, or rather cannot do so at all. Of these miseries there is one which outweighs all the others--that I shall leave that poor girl deprived of patrimony and every kind of property. Wherefore pray see to that, according to your promise: for I have no one else to whom to commend her, since I have discovered that the same treatment is prepared for her mother as for me. But, in case you don't find me here when you come, still consider that she has been commended to you with due solemnity, and soften her uncle in regard to her as much as you can. I am writing this to you on my birthday: on which day would that I had never been born,⁷ or that nothing had afterwards been born of the same mother I Tears prevent my writing more.

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¹ The new tribunes, among whom was Dolabella, had, after coming into office, 10th December, B.C. 48, passed some law as to the Pompeians coming into Italy, about which we have no information. Atticus had remarked that Cicero would not be affected by it, as he had come before. He replies that that is small consolation, as his having come at all does, not seem to have put him in any better position, i.e., as to regaining his full rights and the power of coming to Rome.

² This has been variously supposed to refer to Caesar, Antony, or Dolabella. Hardly Dolabella, I think. It seems most likely to mean Antony, who will, he is afraid, take advantage of the law to annoy him, though, as a fact, Antony had at present been very considerate to him.

³ Quintus. Apparently Atticus had tried to soften Cicero's feelings in regard to his brother's unkindness.

⁴ P. Vatinius was in command at Brundisium (see p. 14). Aulus Ligurius was a prominent Caesarian, who was also friendly to Cicero.

⁵ This treatment of his brother's letters addressed to others it is, of course, impossible to justify, and is indeed condemned by his own words as to the confldential nature of letters (Phil. 2.7). He seems to have been inclined to treat Quintus's correspondence with some freedom, for he advised the young Quintus in his father's absence to open letters addressed to him. See vol. ii., p.170.

⁶ Apparently when they left the Pompeian fleet at Corcyra, and proceeded together to Patrae.

⁷ Lit. "taken up," as it was the custom of the father to raise an infant from the floor in token that he wished it reared.

CDXXIII (A XI, 10)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 19 JANUARY

My distresses, already past calculation, have received an addition by the news brought to me of the elder and younger Quintus. My connexion Publius Terentius was employed as deputy master of his company in Asia in collecting the harbour dues and the pasture rents. ¹ He saw the younger Quintus at Ephesus on the 8th of December, and entertained him warmly for the sake of our friendship, and on asking some questions about me, he tells me that Quintus replied that he was bitterly opposed to me, and shewed him a roll containing a speech which he intended to deliver against me before Caesar.² Terentius says that he dissuaded him from such a senseless proceeding at great length; and that afterwards at Patrae the elder Quintus talked a great deal to him in a similar strain of treachery. The latter's furious state [p. 27] of mind you have been able to gather from the letters which I sent on to you. I know these things are painful to you: they are positive torture to me, and the more so that I don't think I shall have the opportunity of even remonstrating with them.

As to the state of things in Africa,³ my information is widely different from your letter. They say that nothing could be sounder or better organized. Added to that, there is Spain, an alienated Italy, a decline in the loyalty and the strength of the legions, total disorder in the city.⁴ Where can I find any repose except in reading your letters? And they would certainly have been more frequent, had you had anything to say by which you thought that my distress might be relieved. But nevertheless I beg you not to omit writing to tell me whatever occurs; and, if you can't absolutely hate the men who have shewn themselves so cruelly hostile to me,⁵ yet do rebuke them: not with the view of doing any good, but to make them feel that I am dear to you. I will write at greater length to you when you have answered my last. Good-bye.

19 January. [p. 28]

________________________________________

¹ See vol. ii., p.44.

² It was not unusual, it appears, to deliver a set harangue from a written copy to a great man, though in an informal meeting. Suetonius says that Augustus always did so on important matters, even with his wife Livia (Suet. Aug. 84), and Dio has preserved a conversation of the sort between them (55, 15), and two speeches of Agrippa and Maecenas of the same kind (52, I, ff.). Tacitus (Ann. 4.39) says that it was the common custom in the time of Tiberius.

³ Where Cato and the other Pompeian leaders were making great head.

⁴ All these disorders make Cicero fear that, after all, Caesar will fail, and his own position be worse than ever, as he has hopelessly offended the Pompeians. The military disorders were among the legions sent back to Italy after Pharsalia, who were discontented with their rewards. The disturbances in the city were caused by the contests between Dolabella and his fellow tribunes-Dolabella endeavouring to introduce an act for the relief of debtors, which gave rise to bloody faction fights in Rome, which Antony, Caesar's Master of the Horse, vainly tried to suppress ([Caesar) Bell. Alex. 65; Dio, 42, 29-32; App. Bell. Civ. 2.92). For the trouble in Spain, see p.30.

⁵ Quintus, father and son, whom, as Atticus's brother-in-law and nephew, he would not cast off, however much he may have disapproved of their conduct.

CDXXIV (A XI, 11)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 8 MARCH

Worn out at length by the agony of my excessive sorrows, even if I had anything that I ought to say to you, I should not find it easy to write it; but as it is, I am still less able to do so because there is nothing worth the trouble of writing, especially as there is not even a gleam of hope of things being better. Accordingly, I no longer look forward to hearing even from you, though your letters always contain something that I like to hear. Therefore pray do go on writing, whenever you have a bearer at hand: though I have nothing to say in answer to your last, which nevertheless I received some time ago. For in the now long interval I can see that there has been a general change; that the right cause is strong; that I am being severely punished for my folly.¹ The thirty sestertia which I received from Gnaeus Sallustius are to be paid to Publius Sallustius.² Please see that they are paid without delay. I have written on that subject to Terentia. Even this sum is now almost used up: therefore concert measures with her to get me money to go on with. I shall perhaps be able to raise some even here, if I am assured that I shall have something to my credit at Rome. But until I knew that I did not venture to raise a farthing. You see my position all round: there is no sort of misfortune which I am not both enduring and expecting. For this state of things my grief is the heavier in proportion as my fault is the greater. He in [p. 29] Achaia³ never ceases maligning me. Clearly your letter has done no good. Good-bye.

8 March.

________________________________________

¹ In coming to Italy, and so committing himself in the eyes of the Pompeians, who now seem likely to win.

² Gnaeus Sallustius, a friend and client of Cicero's, has brought him the thirty sestertia (about £240) at Brundisium, having borrowed it from Publius Sallustius, whom Cicero now wishes to be paid.

³ Quintus, who was at Sicyon or Patrae.

XXXVI (A XI, 12)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME) TRES TABERNAE, 19 APRIL

Are they going to deny that Publius has been made a plebeian? This is indeed playing the king, and is utterly intolerable. Let Publius send some men to witness and seal my affidavit: I will take an oath that my friend Gnaeus, the colleague of Balbus, told me at Antium that he had been present as augur to take the auspices. Two delightful letters from you delivered at the same time! For which I do not know what I am to pay you by way of reward for good news. That I owe you for them I candidly confess. But observe the coincidence. I had just made my way from Antium on to the via Appia at Three Taverns, ¹ on the very day of the Cerealia (19th April), when my friend Curio meets me on his way from Rome. At the same piace and the same moment comes a slave from you with letters. The former asked me whether I hadn't heard the news? I said, "No." "Publius," says he, "is a candidate for the tribuneship." "You don't mean it?" "Yes, I do," says he, "and at daggers drawn with Caesar. His object is to rescind his acts." "What says Caesar?" said I. "He denies having proposed any lex for his adoption." Then he poured forth about his own hatred, and that of Memmius and Metellus Nepos. I embraced the youth and said good-bye to him, hastening to your letters. A fig for those who talk about a "living voice"! What a much clearer view I got of what was going on from your letters than from his talk! About the current rumours of the day, about the designs of Publius, about "Iuno's" trumpet calls, about Athenio who leads his roughs, about his letter to Gnaeus, about the conversation of Theophanes and Memmius. Besides, how eager you have made me to hear about the "fast" dinner party which you mention! I am greedy in curiosity, yet I do not feel at all hurt at your not writing me a description of the symposium: I would rather hear it by word of mouth. As to your urging me to write something, my material indeed is growing, as you say, but the whole is still in a state of fermentation—"new wine in the autumn." when the liquor has settled down and become clarified, I shall know better what to write. And even if you cannot get it from me at once, you shall be the first to have it: only for some time you must keep it to yourself. You are quite right to like Dicaearchus; he is an excellent writer, and a much better citizen than these rulers of ours who reverse his name.² I write this letter at four o'clock in the afternoon of the Cerealia (12th April), immediately after reading yours, but I shall despatch it, I think, tomorrow, by anyone I may chance to meet on the road. Terentia is delighted with your letter, et Ciceron le philosopite salue Titus l'homme d'état."

________________________________________

¹ Where the road from Antium joins the Appia. Cicero seems to be on his way to Formiae, where he had intanded to arrive on the 21st. He must be going very leisurely.

² Dikaiarchos and adikaiarchoi, a pun on a name not reproducible in English : "just-rulers " and "unjust-rulers."

CDXXVI (A XI, 13)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM (APRIL)

I have not received anything by way of a letter as yet from Muraena's freedman. Publius Siser delivered the one which I am now answering. You mention a letter from the elder Servius; also you say that certain persons announce the arrival of Quintus in Syria--neither is true. You want to know how the several persons who have arrived here are or have been disposed towards me: I have not found any of them ill-disposed; but I know, of course, that you are alive to the importance of this fact to me. For myself, while the whole position is intolerably painful, nothing is more so than the fact that what I have always wished not to happen now appears the only thing for my security.¹ They say that the elder Publius Lentulus is at Rhodes, the younger at Alexandria, and it is certain that Gaius Cassius has left Rhodes for Alexandria.² Quintus writes to me to apologize in language [p. 32] much more irritating than when he was accusing me most violently. For he says that he understands from your letter that you disapprove of his having written to many persons with severity about me, and that therefore he is sorry for having hurt your feelings, but that he had done so on good grounds. Then he sets down--but in most indecent terms --the reasons for his having so acted. But neither at the present juncture, nor before, would he have betrayed his hatred for me, had he not seen that I was a ruined man. And oh that I had come nearer to you, even if I had made the journeys by night, as you suggested! As it is, I cannot conceive either where or when I am likely to see you.

As to my co-heirs to the property of Fufidius, there was no occasion for you to write to me: for their demand is in itself equitable, and whatever arrangement you had made I should have regarded as right and proper. As to the repurchase of the property at Frusino, you have for some time past been acquainted with my wishes. Although my affairs were then in a better position, and I was not expecting such a desperate situation, I am nevertheless in the same mind. Please see how it may be brought about. And I beg you to consider, to the best of your ability, whence I may raise the necessary funds. Such means as I had I transferred to Pompey at a time when it seemed a prudent thing to do.³ At that time, therefore, I took up money from your steward as well as borrowing from other sources; the time when Quintus writes to complain that I never gave him a farthing--I who was never asked for it by him, or had myself set eyes on the money. But pray see what can be scraped together, and what advice you would give on all points. You know the ins and outs of it. Grief prevents my writing more. If there is anything you think ought to be written to anybody in my name, pray do as usual: and whenever you find anybody to whom you can intrust a letter for me, I beg you not to omit doing so. Good-bye. [p. 33]

________________________________________

¹ The success of the Caesarians.

² P. Cornelius Lentulus (consul B.C. 57) was refused permission to land at Rhodes (Caes. B.C. 3.29). Gaius Cassius Longinus--the future assassin of Caesar--was in command of Phoenician and Cilician ships for Pompey off Sicily, when he heard of the battle of Pharsalia. He made for the Hellespont, intending, it is said, to get the help of Pharnaces, son of Mithradates. But when he met Caesar, who was making his way through Asia, he immediately submitted, and, returning southward, met Caesar again at Rhodes, who used some of his ships on his voyage to Alexandria (Caes. B.C. 3.101; App. B. Civ. 2.88-89;; Dio, 42, 6).

³ For Frusino and the loan to Pompey, see pp. 2, 10.

CCCLXX (A XI, 13.8)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

FORMIAE, 24 MARCH

Can you endure this? It is a lamentable business altogether, but nothing can be more lamentable than this: Pompey has sent N. Magius to negotiate a peace, and yet is being besieged. I could not have believed it, but I have a letter from Balbus, of which I inclose a copy. Read it, I beg of you, and especially the last clause of the excellent Balbus himself, to whom our Gnaeus presented a site for a suburban villa, and whom he often preferred, did he not? to everyone of us! Accordingly, the poor man is in a state of painful anxiety. But to save you the trouble of reading the same thing twice, I refer you to the letter itself. Hope of peace, however, I have none. Dolabella in his letter dated the 15th of March breathes nothing but war. Let us stick, then, to the same resolution, formed in sorrow and despair, since nothing can be more lamentable than this. [p. 347]

CDXXVII (A XI, 14)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM (APRIL)

The candour of your letter does not offend me, because you do not endeavour even tentatively to console me, as was your wont, under the weight of public and personal misfortunes, but acknowledge that that is now impossible. For things are not even as they were before, when, if nothing else, I thought that I had comrades and partners in my policy. For now all the petitioners in Achaia and in Asia also, who have received no pardon, and even those who have, are said to be about to sail into Africa.¹ So I have no one now except Laelius² to share my error: and even he is in a better position than I am in that he has been received back.³ But about myself I have no doubt Caesar has written to Balbus and to Oppius, by whom, if they had had anything pleasant to report, I should have been informed, and they would have spoken to you. Pray have some talk with them on this point, and write me word of their answer not that any security granted by Caesar is likely to have any certainty, still one will be able to consider things and make some provision for the future. Though I shun the sight of all, especially with such a son-in-law as mine,⁴ yet in such a state of misery I can't think of anything else to wish. [p. 34]

Quintus is going on in the old way,⁵ as both Pansa and Hirtius have written to tell me--and he is also said to be making for Africa with the rest.

I will write to Minucius at Tarentum and send him your letter: I will write and tell you if I come to any settlement. I should have been surprised at your being able to find thirty sestertia, had there not been a good surplus from the sale of the Fufidian estates. But my eager desire now is for yourself, to see whom, if it is in any way possible (and circumstances make it desirable), I am very anxious. The last act is being played: what its nature is it is easy to estimate at Rome, more difficult here.⁶

________________________________________

¹ To join Cato and the other Pompeians, from the belief that they were now in the ascendent.

² Decimus Laelius had blockaded Brundisium in B.C. 48, but had, with Cicero, been specifically excepted in Antony's edict forbidding Pompeians to come to Italy (see Letter CCCCXVIII, p. 19). He seems in some way to have kept on terms with the Pompeians (see p. 37). But he apparently played his cards well, and survived to be governor of Africa about B.C. 44 (Dio, 48, 21).

³ I.e., by the Pompeians.

⁴ Referring, as before, to Dolabella's proceedings as tribune. See p.27.

⁵ Abusing me. It does not seem likely that Quintus was contemplating rejoining the Pompeians in Africa.

⁶ The text is corrupt.

CDXXVIII (A XI, 15)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 14 MAY

As you give me good and sufficient reasons why I cannot see you at this time, I beg you to tell me what I ought to do. For it seems to me that, though Caesar is holding Alexandria, he is ashamed even to send a despatch on the operations there. Whereas these men in Africa seem to be on the point of coming over here: so, too, the Achaean refugees¹ seem to intend returning from Asia to join them, or to stay in some neutral place. What therefore do you think I ought to do? I quite see that it is difficult to advise. For I am the only one (or with one other² ) for whom neither a return to the one party is possible, nor a gleam of hope visible from the other. But nevertheless I should like to [p. 35] know what your opinion is, and that was the reason among others why I wished to see you, if it could be managed.

I wrote before to tell you that Minucius had only paid twelve sestertia: please see that the balance is provided.

Quintus wrote to me not only without any strong appeal for pardon, but in the most bitter style, while his son did so with astonishing malignity. No sorrow can be imagined with which I am not crushed. Yet everything is more bearable than the pain caused by my error: that is supreme and abiding. If I were destined to have the partners in that error that I expected, it would nevertheless be but a poor consolation. But the case of all the rest admits of some escape, mine of none. Some because they were taken prisoners, others because their way was barred, avoid having their loyalty called in question, all the more so, of course, now that they have extricated themselves and joined forces again. Why, even the very men who of their own free will went to Fufius³ can merely be counted wanting in courage. Finally, there are many who will be taken back, in whatever way they return to that party. So you ought to be the less astonished that I cannot hold up against such violent grief. For I am the only one whose error cannot be repaired, except perhaps Laelius--but what alleviation is that to me?--for they say that even Gaius Cassius has changed his mind about going to Alexandria. I write this to you, not that you may be able to remove my anxiety, but to know whether you have any suggestion to make in regard to the distresses that are sapping my strength, to which are now added my son-in-law, and the rest that I am prevented by my tears from writing. Nay, even Aesop's son⁴ wrings my heart. There is absolutely nothing wanting to make me the most unhappy of men. But to return to my first question--what do you think I ought to do? Should I remove secretly [p. 36] to some place nearer Rome, or should I cross the sea? For remaining here much longer is out of the question.

Why could no settlement he come to about the property of Fufidius? For the arrangement was one about which there is not usually any dispute, when the portion which is thought of the less value can be made up by putting the property up to auction among the heirs. I have a motive for asking the question: for I suspect that my co-heirs think that my position is doubtful, and therefore prefer allowing the matter to remain unsettled.⁵ Good-bye.

15 May.

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¹ The Pompeians, who, instead of keeping with the Pompeian fleet, had taken refuge in Patrae and Sicyon, and had then crossed to Asia in hopes of meeting Caesar and obtaining pardon. See p. 14.

² Decimus Laelius See pp.19, 33.

³ Q. Fufius Calenus, tribune in B.C. 61, and supporter of Clodius (vol. i., pp. 35, 109). One of Caesar's legates in Gaul, he stuck to him in the Civil War (vol. ii., p.318), and during B.C. 48 had been engaged in taking possession of Greek cities in Caesar's interest, among others Patrae, and remained there in command of troops (Caes. B.C. 3.56, 106; Dio. 42, 14). He was rewarded by the consulship for the last three months of B.C. 47. See supra, p.22.

⁴ The son of the famous actor, who was a great friend of Cicero's (vol. i., pp.132, 258). The son appears to have been dissolute.

⁵ Apparently he supposes that the other legatees thought it doubtful whether Cicero had not incurred confiscation of his property, and so, being disfranchised, would be unable to take his share: and therefore thought it better not to make a division. If that were once made they would have great difficulty in recovering the money.

CDXXIX (A XI, 16)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 3 JUNE

IT is by no fault of mine this time--for I did commit an error formerly--that the letter you forward brings me no consolation. For it is written in a grudging spirit, and gives rise to strong suspicions of not really being from Caesar, suspicions which I think have occurred to yourself. About going to meet him I will do as you advise. The fact is that there is no belief prevalent as to his coming, nor do those who arrive from Asia say that anything has been heard about a peace, the hope of which caused me to fall into this trap. I see no reason for entertaining hopes, especially in the present circumstances, when such disaster has been sustained in Asia, in Illyricum, in the Cassius affair, in Alexandria itself, in the city, in Italy.¹ In my opinion, even if he is [p. 37] going to return (he is said to be still engaged in war) the business will be all settled before his return.

You say that a certain feeling of exultation on the part of the loyalists was roused on hearing of the receipt of this letter: you of course omit nothing in which you think that there is any consolation; but I cannot be induced to believe that any loyalist could think that any salvation has been of such value in my eyes, as to make me ask it of Caesar--much less should I be likely to do so now that I have not a single partner even in this policy. ² Those in Asia are waiting to see how things turn out. Those in Achaia also keep dangling before Fufius the hope that they will petition for pardon. These men had at first the same reason for fear as I had, and the same policy. The check at Alexandria has improved their position, it has ruined mine.³ Wherefore I now make the same request to you as in my previous letter, that, if you can see in the midst of this desperate state of things what you think I ought to do, you would tell me of it. Supposing me to be received back by this party,⁴ which you see is not the case, yet, as long as [p. 38] there is war, I cannot think what to do or where to stay: still less, if I am rejected by them. Accordingly, I am anxious for a letter from you, and beg you to write to me without hesitation.

You advise me to write to Quintus about this letter of Caesar's: I would have done so, if it had been in any way one agreeable to me; although I have received a letter from a certain person in these words: "Considering the evil state of things, I am pretty comfortable at Patrae: I should be still more so, if your brother spoke of you in terms suited to my feelings." You say that Quintus writes you word that I never answer his letters. I have only had one from him; to that I gave an answer to Cephalio, who, however, was kept back several months by bad weather. I have already told you that the young Quintus has written to me in the most offensive terms.

The last thing I have to say is to beg you, if you think it a right thing to do and what you can undertake, to communicate with Camillus and make a joint representation to Terentia about making a will. The state of the times is a warning to her to take measures for satisfying all just claims upon her. Philotimus tells me that she is acting in an unprincipled way.⁵ I can scarcely believe it, but at any rate, if there is anything that can be done, measures should be taken in time. Pray write to me on every sort of subject, and especially what you think about her, in regard to whom I need your advice, even though you fail to hit upon any plan: I shall take that to mean that the case is desperate.

3 June. [p. 39]

________________________________________

¹ The various points are here enumerated in which things had gone against Caesar's interests, and therefore in favour of the ultimate triumph of the Pompeian party in Africa. They are: (I) the defeat of Domitius Calvinus by Pharnaces in Asia; (2) the failure of Aulus Gabinius in Illyricum (App. Illyr. § 12); (3) the insurrection in Baetica which had forced Q. Cassius to quit the province (he was drowned on the voyage home); (4) the difficulties Caesar himself had met with at Alexandria; (5) the troubles in the city caused by the contest between the tribunes Trebellius and Dolabella; (6) the mutinous conduct of the legions in Italy. What Cicero did not know was the completeness with which Caesar had overcome his difficulties in Egypt; nor could he foresee the rapidity with which he was to put down the war in Asia, for which he was on the point of starting. The troubles in Italy and Rome disappeared at once on his arrival, and in the next year (B.C. 46) the victory of Thapsus finally crushed the hopes of the Pompeians in Africa. The trouble in Baetica hung on for another year, and indeed lasted long after his death.

² Decimus Laelius appears to have returned in some way to his old Pompeian friends.

³ Because neither those in Asia nor those in Achaia had as yet taken the final step of reconciling themselves to Caesar, and yet would be able to do so, if necessary, as not having crossed to the Pompeians in Africa; whereas Cicero, by coming to Italy, had definitely separated himself from the Pompeians, and, if Caesar failed, would suffer their vengeance. The others were safe in either event; he in neither, as he could not trust Caesar, and yet was lost if Caesar failed.

⁴ All the commentators explain this to mean the Caesarians, but I think it more likely that Cicero means the Pompeians, who just now are in high hopes. "Even suppose they would admit me as one of themselves again--which they don't-yet (being resolved against active war) where am I to go? I can't go to Africa, where there will be war, or stay here if they come in arms." He has used the same word (recipere) in the previous letters of the taking back by the Pompeians of those who deserted the fleet and went to Achaia or Asia.

⁵ Philotimus was the freedman of Terentia, whose transactions in regard to Milo's property Cicero thought so suspicious. That he should now be listening to tales against his wife from this man shews how much the alienation had already grown. Cicero is anxious that she should make proper provision for her children.

CDXXX (A XI, 17)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 14 JUNE

I am giving this letter to another man's letter-carriers, who are in a hurry to start; that, and the fact that I am about to send my own, accounts for its brevity. My daughter Tullia reached me on the 12th of June, and expatiated at great length on your attention and kindness to her, and gave me three letters. I, however, have not got the pleasure from her own virtue, gentleness, and affection which I ought to get from a matchless daughter, but have even been overwhelmed with extraordinary sorrow, to think that a character like hers should be involved in circumstances of such distress,¹ and that that should occur from no fault of hers, but from my own consummate folly. Accordingly, I am not expecting from you now either consolation, which I see you desire to offer, or advice, which is impossible of adoption; and I understand on many occasions from your previous, as well as from your last letters, that you have tried everything practicable.

I am thinking of sending my son with Sallustius² to Caesar. As for Tullia, I see no motive for keeping her with me any longer in such a sad state of mutual sorrow. Accordingly, I am going to send her back to her mother as Soon as she will herself consent to go. In return for the letter which you wrote in the consolatory style, pray consider that I have made the only answer which you will [p. 40] yourself understand to have been possible.³ You say that Oppius has had some talk with you: what he said does not at all disagree with my suspicion about it. But I have no doubt that it would be impossible to persuade that party⁴ that their proceedings could have my approval, whatever language I were to hold. However, I will be as moderate as I can. Although what it should matter to me that I incur their odium I don't understand. I perceive that you are prevented by a good reason from coming to see us, and that is a matter of great regret to me. There is no news of Caesar having left Alexandria; but all agree that no one has come from there either since the 15th of March, and that he has written no letters since the 13th of December. This shews you that there was nothing genuine about that letter of the 9th of February⁵ --which would have been quite unimportant, even if it had been genuine. I am informed that L. Terentius has left Africa and come to Paestum. What his mission is, or how he got out of the country, or what is going on in Africa, I should like to know. For he is said to have been passed out by means of Nasidius. What it all means pray write me word if you discover it. I will do as you say about the ten sestertia. Good-bye.

14 June.

________________________________________

¹ According to Plutarch (Cic. 41) Terentia had allowed Tullia to undertake this journey without proper provision or escort. See also p.41.

² Whose arrival at Brundisium we heard of, p. 28 Mueller begins a fresh letter with this sentence. It seems likely that he is right. Yet it is practically a continuation of the former hasty note.

³ Mueller quite alters the complexion of this sentence, reading Paeto for pro ea, and quem ad modum consulenti for quam ad modum consolanti. But there seems no point in a reference to Paetus.

⁴ The Caesarians in Rome.

⁵ See p. 36. Illud de litteris, lit. "the assertion about the letter": it is almost a periphrasis for litteras.

CDXXXII (A XI, 18)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 19 JUNE

ABOUT Caesar's departure from Alexandria there is as yet no rumour, and, on the contrary, there is an opinion that he is in serious difficulties. Accordingly, I shall not send my son, as I had intended, and I beg you to get me out of this place. For any punishment is less galling than a continuance here. On this subject I have written both to Antony and to Balbus and Oppius. For whether there is to be war in Italy, or whether he will employ his fleet, in either case this is the last place for me. Perhaps it will be both: certainly there will be one or the other. I understood clearly from Oppius's remarks, which you reported to me, what the anger of that party against me is: but I beg you to divert it. I expect nothing at all now that is not unhappy. But nothing can be more abominable than the place in which I now am. Wherefore I would like you to speak both to Antony and to the Caesarians with you, and get the matter through for me as well as you can, and write to me on all subjects as soon as possible. Good-bye.

19 June. [p. 42]

CDXXXVIII (A XI, 19)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 22 JULY

As I had the opportunity of giving a letter to your servants I would not pass it by, though I have nothing to say. You yourself write to me more rarely than you used, and more briefly: I suppose because you have nothing to say which you suppose that I can read or hear with pleasure. But indeed I would have you write, whatever and of what kind soever it may be. The fact is that there is only one thing capable of exciting a wish in me--the chance of negociation for peace: and of that I have absolutely no hope. But [p. 47] because from time to time you hint faintly at it, you compel me to hope for what hardly admits of a wish.

IPhilotimus is announced for the 13th of August.¹ I have no farther information about him. Please let me have an answer to my previous letter to you. All the time I need is just enough to allow of my taking some precautions--I who never took any. Good-bye.

22 July.

________________________________________

¹ Philotimus was supposed to be bringing a letter from Caesar to Cicero, which he thinks may be decisive as to his farther residence at Brundisium. So he must make preparation as to where to go if obliged to leave Italy.

CDXLII (A XI, 20)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 15 AUGUST

On the 14th of August Gaius Trebonius arrived from Seleucia Pieria¹ after twenty-seven days' journey, to tell me that at Antioch he saw the younger Quintus in Caesar's company along with Hirtius: that they had got all they wanted in regard to the elder Quintus, and that without any trouble. I should have been more rejoiced at this if the concessions to myself² conveyed any certainty of hope. But, in the first place, there are others, and among them Quintus, father and son, from whom I have reason to entertain other fears; and, in the next place, grants made by Caesar himself as absolute master are again within his power to revoke. He has pardoned even Sallustius: he is said to refuse absolutely no one. This in itself suggests the suspicion that judicial investigation is held over for another time. M. Gallius, son of Quintus, has restored Sallustius his slaves. He came to transport the legions to Sicily: he said that Caesar intends to go thither straight from Patrae.³ If he does that I shall come to some place nearer Rome, which I could wish I had done before. I am eagerly waiting for your answer to my last letter, in which I asked for your advice.⁴ Good-bye.

15 August. [p. 51]

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¹ The port of Antioch. Schmidt reads C. Treboni libertus. It does seem unlikely that Trebonius should have gone to Asia between the end of his praetorship (B.C. 48) and the beginning of his proconsulship in Baetica some time late in B.C. 47, yet it is not impossible, for he was only sent there when Caesar heard of the misconduct and failure of Cassius (B. Alex. 64).

² Those contained in the courteous letter of Caesar, which yet did not convey a formal pardon.

³ I. e., instead of coming to Italy. Sicily would be the point of departure for attacking the Pompeians in Africa.

⁴ The last letter to Atticus does not ask for advice on this situation, and none exists giving an account of Caesar's letter. Therefore it has reasonably been suggested that a letter, dated as that to Terentia on the 12th, has been lost.

CDXLIII (A XI, 21)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 25 AUGUST

On the 25th of August I received a letter from you dated the 19th, and I experienced on reading his epistle a very painful renewal of the sorrow which had been long ago caused me by Quintus's misconduct, but which I had by this time shaken off. Though it was impossible for you not to send me that letter, yet I should have preferred that it had not been sent.

In regard to what you say about the will, please consider what should be done and how. In regard to the money, she has herself written in the sense of my previous letter to you, and, if it is necessary, I will draw on the sum you mention.

Caesar does not seem likely to be at Athens by the 1st of September. Many things are said to detain him in Asia, 'above all Pharnaces.¹ The 12th legion, which Sulla ² visited first, is said to have driven him off with a shower of stones. It is thought that none of the legions will stir. Caesar, people think, will go straight to Sicily from Patrae³ But if that is so, he must necessarily come here.⁴ Yet I should [p. 52] have preferred his going from there; for in that case I should have got away somehow or other. As it is, I fear I must wait for him, and, among other misfortunes, my poor Tullia must also endure the unhealthy climate of the place. You advise me to make my actions square with the time: I would have done so, had circumstances allowed of it, and had it been in any way possible. But in view of the prodigious blunders made by myself, and the wrongs inflicted upon me by my relations, there is no possibility of doing anything or keeping up any pretext worthy of my character. You compare the Sullan period: but, if we regard the principle of that movement, it was everything that was most eminent; where it failed was in a want of moderation in its execution. The present movement, on the other hand, is of such a character, that I forget my own position, and much prefer the general advantage to that of the party, with whose interests I have identified my own.⁵ Nevertheless pray write to me as often as possible, and the more so that no one else writes; and yet, if everybody did, I should still look forward to your letters most. You say that Caesar will be more kindly disposed to Quintus thanks to me: I have already told you that he at once granted everything to the younger Quintus and said never a word about me. Goodbye.

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¹ Pharnaces, son of Mithradates, left by Pompey king of part of his father's dominions, was trying to recover Pontus, now part of a Roman province. He had already defeated Domitius Calvinus (pro Deiot. § 14). He was beaten by Caesar at Zela on the 2nd of August--the veni, vidi, vici battle.

² P. Cornelius Sulla, a nephew of the dictator, whom Cicero defended in B.C. 62 on a charge of complicity with Catiline's conspiracy. He had fought at Pharsalia on the side of Caesar, and was now sent over to Italy to conduct legions to Sicily for the war against the Pompeians in Africa. The mutiny of the soldiers was for the rewards promised them in the campaign of B.C. 48. See next letter.

³ Caesar, however, came to Italy from Asia, landing at Tarentum.

⁴ He would touch at Brundisium as he was coasting down the south-eastern shores of Italy.

⁵ Though it would now be bad for me, I sometimes forget that, and still wish my old friends, the Pompeians, to triumph. I have adopted Mueller's text, quam quod iis ad quorum utilitatem, etc.

CDXLIV (A XI, 22)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM (LATE IN AUGUST)

BALBUS'S letter-carrier delivered me the packet with all promptness. I say this because I have a letter from you in which you seem to fear that I have not received those letters, ¹ which in fact I could wish had never been delivered [p. 53] to me. For they increased my misery, and, if they had fallen into anyone else's hands, they would not have inflicted any fresh harm upon me. For what can be more universally notorious than his rage against me and the sort of letter he writes ?-a kind of letter which even Caesar appears to have sent to his friends at Rome, not because he was shocked at his unprincipled conduct, but, I believe, to make my miserable position better known. You say that you are afraid that they will do Quintus harm, and that you are trying to remedy the mischief. Why! Caesar did not even wait to be asked about him. I don't mind that; but what I mind more is that the favours granted to myself have no stability.

Sulla, I believe, will be here tomorrow with Messalla. They are hurrying to Caesar after being driven away by the soldiers, who say that they will go nowhere until they' have got what was promised them.² Therefore he will come here, though slowly: for, though he is keeping on the move, he devotes many days to the several towns.³ Moreover, Pharnaces, whatever course he takes, must cause him delay.⁴ What, then, do you think I should do? For by this time I am scarcely strong enough physically to endure the unhealthiness of this climate, because it adds bodily suffering to mental pain. Should I commission these two who are going to him, to make my excuses, and myself go nearer Rome? I beg you to consider it, and as hitherto, in spite of frequent requests, you have declined to do, aid me by your advice. I know that it is a difficult question; but it is a choice of evils, and it is of great importance to me that I should see you. If that could be brought about, I should certainly make some advance. As to the will,⁵ as you say, pray attend to [p. 54]

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¹ From Quintus and others inclosed by Atticus. See p. 51.

² See p. 51 Messalla is M. Valerius Messalla, consul B.C. 53, afterwards condemned for sodalitium (vol. ii., pp.22, 40). He had been recalled, it seems, with others by Antony, under Caesar's orders.

³ In oppidum, "town by town," may possibly be justified by analogy With such a phrase as in diem vivere: but it is certainly very difficult. Schmidt writes in oppido uno.

⁴ As a matter of fact, while Cicero wrote this, Caesar had already overcome all difficulties in Asia with marvellous rapidity. See p.51.

⁵ Terentia's will. See pp.38, 51.

CDXXXV (A XI, 23)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 9 JULY

On the subject on which I wrote to ask you to consult with Camillus, he has himself written to say that you have spoken to him.¹ I am waiting for a letter from you--but I do not see how it can be changed if it is other than it should be. But having received a letter from him, I wanted one from you, though I think that you have not been informed on the subject I only hope that you are well! For you mentioned that you were suffering from a sort of illness. A certain Agusius arrived from Rhodes on the 8th of July. He brings word that young Quintus started to join Caesar on the 29th of May, that Philotimus arrived at Rhodes on the day previous, and had a letter for me. You will hear what Agusius himself has to say: but he is travelling rather slowly. Therefore I have contrived to give this to some one who goes quickly. I don't know what that letter Contains, but my brother Quintus offers me cordial congratulations. For my part, considering my egregious blunder, I cannot even imagine anything happening that can be endurable to me.

I beg you to think about my poor girl, and about what I wrote to you in my last--that some money should be got together to avert destitution, and about the will itself. The other thing also I could have wished that I had done before, but I was afraid of taking any step. The best alternative in a very bad business was a divorce. I should then have behaved something like a man--on the ground either of his proposals for abolition of debts, or his night assaults on houses, or his relations with Metella, or his ill conduct generally: and then I should not have lost the money, and should have shewn myself to possess some manly indignation. I quite remember your letter, but I also remember [p. 45] the circumstance of the time: yet anything would have been better. As it is, indeed, he seems to intend to divorce her: for I am told about the statue of Clodius.² To think that a son-in-law of mine, of all people in the world, should do that, or propose the abolition of debts! I am of opinion, therefore, and so are you, that a notice of divorce should be sent by her. He will perhaps claim the third instalment. Consider, therefore, whether the divorce should be allowed to originate with him, or whether we should anticipate him.³ If I can do so by any means, even by travelling at night, I will try to see you. Meanwhile, pray write to me about these matters, and anything else which it may be my interest to know. Good-bye.

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¹ See p.38.

² De statua Clodi, the reading proposed by Tyrrell and Purser for the corrupt words of the MS. No better has been proposed. We have to assume that Dolabella had in some way countenanced a statue of Clodius being put up. The fact is not otherwise known. Schütz reads de statu rei publicae.

³ If the divorce originated with Dolabella, he would have no claim to the third instalment of the dowry, and would have to refund the other instalments--though in his circumstances Cicero despairs of getting them, as it would seem; but if the divorce originated with Tullia, unless she could shew misconduct on his part, the dowry would remain, in part at any rate, with Dolabella. I have followed Schütz in interpreting this passage; Tyrrell and Purser refer cum ab ipso nascetur to the demand for the payment of the third instalment, not to the divorce itself. But see p.46.

CDXXXIX (A XI, 24)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 6 AUGUST

What you said some time ago in a letter to me, and about me to Tullia--with a view of its reaching me also-- feel to be true. It adds to my misery, though I thought no addition possible, that, when most flagrantly wronged, I cannot with impunity shew, not only any anger, but even vexation. Let me, therefore, put up with that. But when I have swallowed it, I shall yet have to endure the very things which you warn me to be on my guard against. For the blunder I have committed is such, that, whatever the final settlement and the sentiments of the people may be, its result seems likely to be the same.

IHere I take the pen into my own hands; for what follows must be treated more confidentially. See, I beg you, even now to the will, which was made at the time when she began to be in difficulties. She did not trouble you, for she never asked you even a question, nor me either. But assuming this to be the case, you will be able--as you have now got to the point of speaking about it--to suggest to her to deposit it with some one, whose position is not affected by [p. 48] the result of this war. For my part, I should prefer you to everybody, if she agreed in wishing it. But the fact is, I keep the poor woman in the dark as to this particular fear of mine.¹

IAbout my other suggestion,² I know, of course, that nothing can be sold at present: but they might be stowed away and concealed, so as to be out of reach of the impending crash. For as to what you say about my fortune and yours being at Tullia's service--I have no doubt as to yours, but what can there be of mine?

IAgain, about Terentia--I omit innumerable other points--what can go beyond this? You wrote to her to send me a bill of twelve sestertia (about £94), saying that that was the balance of the money. She sent me ten, with a note declaring that to be the balance. When she has deducted such a petty sum from so trifling a total, you can feel pretty sure what she has done in the case of a very large transaction. Philotimus not only does not come himself, but does not inform me even by letter or messenger what he has done. People coming from Ephesus bring word that they saw him there going into court on some private suits of his own, which are themselves perhaps--for so it seems likely--being postponed till the arrival of Caesar. Accordingly, I presume either that he has nothing which he considers that there need be any hurry about conveying to me, or that I am such an object of contempt in my misfortunes, that, even if he has anything, he does not trouble himself about conveying it until he has settled all his own concerns. This annoys me very much, but not so much as I think it ought. For I consider that nothing matters less to me than the nature of any communication from that quarter. I feel sure you understand why I say that. You advise me to accommodate my looks and words to the circumstances of the time. It is difficult to do so, yet I would have put that restraint upon myself, had I thought that it was of any importance to me.

IYou say that you think that the African affair may be [p. 49] patched up. I wish you had told me why you think so: for my part, nothing occurs to my mind to make me think it possible. However, pray write and tell me if there is anything to suggest any consolation: but if, as I am clear, there is nothing of that nature, write and tell me even that fact. I, on my side, will write you word of anything which reaches me first. Good-bye.

6 August.

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¹ Terentia's will (pp. 38, 43). Cicero's fear is that Terentia's property would be confiscated, like his own. In that case obligations acknowledged in her will would be payable out of it.

² As to the sale of plate and furniture. See pp.43, 44.

CDXXXIV (A XI, 25)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

BRUNDISIUM, 5 JULY

I have no difficulty in agreeing with your letter, in which you point out at considerable length that there is no advice by which I can be aided by you. At least there is no consolation capable of relieving my sorrow. For nothing has been brought upon me by chance--for that would have been endurable--but I have created it all by those mistakes and miserable conditions of mind and body, to which I only wish those nearest and dearest to me had preferred to apply remedies! Therefore, since I have no ray of hope either of advice from you or of any consolation, I will not ask you for them in future. I would only ask one thing of you--that you should not omit writing to me whatever comes into your mind, whenever you have anyone to whom you can give a letter, and as long as there shall be anyone [p. 43] to whom to write, which won't be very long. There is a rumour of a doubtful sort that Caesar has quitted Alexandria. It arose from a letter from Sulpicius,¹ which all subsequent messengers have confirmed. Since it makes no difference to me, I don't know whether I should prefer this news being true or false. As to what I said some time ago to you about Terentia's will, I should like it preserved in the custody of the Vestals. ²

I am worn out and harassed to death by the folly of this most unhappy girl.³ I don't think there was ever such a creature born. If any measure of mine can do her any good, I should like you to tell me of it. I can see that you will have the same difficulty as you had before in giving me advice--but this is a matter that causes me more anxiety than everything else. I was blind to pay the second instalment. I wish I had done otherwise: but that's past and done with. I beg of you that, considering the ruinous state of affairs, if any money can be collected or got together and put in safe hands, from sale of plate and the fairly abundant furniture, you would take steps to do so.⁴ For I think that the worst is hard upon us, that there will be no making of peace, and that the present regime will collapse even without an opponent. Speak to Terentia also on this subject, if you think it right, at some convenient opportunity. I can't write all I have to say. Good-bye.

5 July. [p. 44]

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¹ The son of Servius Sulpicius Rufus was with Caesar. See vol. ii., pp.356, 361.

² The MS. reading is apud epistolas velim ut possim adversas. I venture to write--as no satisfactory suggestion has been made--apud Vestales velim depositum adservari. The Vestals were frequently the holders of wills (see Suet. Iul. 83; Aug.101 Tac. Ann. i. 8; Plutarch, Ant. 58), and Terentia had a half-sister a Vestal virgin, or perhaps apud asphaleis might be suggested from p.47.

³ If the reading fatuitate is right--which is very doubtful--Cicero apparently has found Tullia infatuated with her dissolute husband Dolabella, and unwilling to divorce him, though reduced to great straits by his extravagance. The "second instalment" refers to Tullia's dowry. See pp.39, 41.

⁴ Comparing pp.44 48, I think this must be taken to refer to movables belonging to Tullia, not Cicero. He wishes them to be sold and the money deposited in safe hands, in case of her husband repudiating her, or being himself ruined.