Cicero’s Letters to his Friends, Book 10

Translated by Evelyn Shuckburgh

DCCLXXXIV (F X, I)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA COMATA)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

In the first place¹ I have been out of town² intending to embark for Greece: and in the next place, having been recalled by the voice of the Republic from the very midst Of my journey, I have never been let alone by Marcus Antonius, whose--I won't call it insolence, for that is a mere everyday fault--but whose brutal tyranny is such that he cannot endure not only any man's voice, but even any man's look to be free. Therefore I am exceedingly anxious-not about my life indeed, for I have nothing left to do for that, whether you regard my age or my achievements or (if that, too, is to the purpose) my glory--but it is for my country that I am uneasy, and first and foremost about the time that we have to wait for your consulship, my dear Plancus, ³ which is so long that one scarcely ventures to hope to be able to keep undergraduate life at Athens. It, however, labours under the disadvantage of being a report sent home by the young man himself rather than by his tutors--an arrangement that would suit many students in all universities. The account of his reformation is therefore perhaps a little too rosy. [p. 132] alive up to that point in the history of the Republic. For what hope can there be in a state in which everything is held down by the arms of the most violent and headstrong of men: in which neither senate nor people has any power of control: in which there are neither laws nor law courts ⁴ --in fact, no shadow or trace even of a constitution. But as I suppose a complete gazette of public affairs is transmitted to you, ⁵ there is no reason why I should enter into details. However, the affection which I conceived for you when you were a boy, and have not only maintained but have even increased, seemed to demand that I should admonish and exhort you to devote yourself heart and soul to the service of the Republic. If it survives till your term of office, all will be plain sailing. But that it should so survive demands not only great assiduity and care on your part, but also great good fortune.

But to begin with we shall have you with us, I hope, a considerable time before that day: and in the next place-over and above the consideration which I am bound to have for the interests of the Republic--I also so completely give myself up to supporting your dignity, that I direct all the skill, zeal, devotion, exertion, labour, and attention of which I am capable to the promotion of your high position. It is thus, I am convinced, that I shall most readily do my duty both to the Republic, which I love above everything, and to our friendship, which I think it my most sacred duty to foster.

I am not surprised that our friend Furnius ⁶ is valued by you as highly as his own kindness and worth deserve. I rejoice that it is so, and I would have you believe that whatever mark of confidence and favour you bestow on him, I regard as having been bestowed by you upon myself. [p. 133]

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¹ That is, Transalpine Gaul, with the exception of "the Province" the south-eastern part, called also Gallia Narbonensis. This latter was being held by Lepidus along with Hispania Citerior; while Pollio held Hispania Ulterior. Decimus Brutus is holding Gallia Cisalpina, from which Antony--having got himself named to it by a lex--is determined to oust him. These provincial arrangements must be remembered in following the remainder of the correspondence.

² Cicero after giving up his voyage to Greece returned to Rome, which he reached on the 31st of August. On the 1st of September he absented himself from the senate, because Antony was to propose certain votes in honour of Caesar's memory. Antony therefore used some violent language about him, which Cicero answered next day--2nd September--in the speech known as the First Philippic.

³ Among the arrangements of Caesar was the nomination of Plancus to the consulship of B.C. 42.

⁴ Two proposals of Antony's were looked upon by Cicero as fatal to the working of the law courts: (1) the addition of a decuria to the juries to be drawn from all who had served as centurions, or who had served in any rank in the legion alauda; (2) granting an appeal to the comitia to those condemned for vis or maiestas (1 Phil. §§ 20-21).

⁵ See Appendix to vol. ii.

⁶ Gaius Furnius, tribune B.C. 51, was now a legatus to Plancus.

DCCLXXXV (F X, 2)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA COMATA)

ROME (AFTER 19 SEPTEMBER?)

No zeal which our close connexion could command in support of the complimentary vote ¹ to you would have been wanting on my part, had I been able to enter the senate with safety or dignity. But neither can anyone who freely expresses his opinion on politics appear there without danger, when there is absolutely no restraint upon the employment of armed men, ² nor do I think it consistent with my dignity to speak in a place where these armed men hear me more distinctly and from a shorter distance than senators. Accordingly, in private affairs you shall not have to complain of any lack of service or zeal on my part: nor indeed in public affairs either will I ever fail to appear in support of your dignity, if my presence is ever actually necessary, even at the risk of danger to myself. But in matters which can be equally well carried out, even though I am not there, I must ask you to allow me to consider my own safety and dignity. ³ [p. 134]

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¹ A supplicatio for some operations in Gaul of which we know nothing, perhaps against the Allobroges (Dio, 46, 50).

² Cicero uses nearly the same expression (impunitas gladiorum) in Phil. 1.27. He refers to the bodyguard which Antony was gradually forming of ex-centurions and other veterans, which eventually amounted to 6,ooo men (Appian, B.C. 3.5).

³ Antony answered Cicero's first Philippic in a carefully prepared and violent speech on the 19th September. The second Philippic (which was never delivered) is written as though delivered in reply on the same day. In it Cicero asserts that the senate is "surrounded by a ring of armed men" (§ 112). This letter may refer to the same date, but if it does it is rather surprising that no allusion is made to the speech of Antony.

DCCLXXXVI (F X, 3)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA COMATA)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

I was very glad to see Furnius for his own sake, but all the more glad because in listening to him I seemed to be listening to you. He vividly described your valour in war, the justice of your administration in the province, and the wisdom you displayed in every department. He mentioned besides--what our association and intimacy had not left me ignorant of--the courtesy of your manners, as well also as your very liberal conduct to himself. All these were very pleasant hearing to me: the last roused my gratitude also.

I have had, my dear Plancus, a close bond of friendship with your family, formed a considerable time before you were born, a personal affection for you from your boyhood, and, when you grew up, an intimacy begun from inclination on my part and from deliberate judgment on yours. For these reasons I take extraordinary pains to support your political position, which I am convinced ought to be associated with my own. You have attained to the highest distinctions in every department, virtue shewing the way, and fortune marching by your side. And these you have won though you had many detractors, whom you have baffled by your talents and industry. At present, if you will listen to me--who love you dearly and yield to no one in his claim to be a closer and older friend -you will look for every advancement in the rest of your life from the best possible settlement of the constitution. You know of course--for it could not possibly have escaped you--that there has been a period during which people thought you too much inclined to yield to the circumstances of the time. I should have thought so, too, had I thought that you approved of the things to which you submitted. But as I well knew your real sentiments, I considered that it was [p. 135] only that you saw the limits of your power. Now the case is different. The decision on all points is in your own hands and is unfettered. You are consul-designate: at the prime of life: a first-rate orator. And all this when the state is unusually destitute of men of this sort. In the name of Heaven, throw yourself heart and soul into the measures calculated to bring you reputation and glory. The one path to glory, especially at a time like this, when the Republic has been harassed to death for so many years, is that of honest administration. It was my personal affection that impelled me to write this to you, rather than any idea of your needing admonition and precept. For I know that you imbibed them from the same fountains as myself. Therefore I will put a period to these exhortations. For the present I thought I should only give a hint--rather to shew you my affection than to display my wisdom. Meanwhile I will attend with zeal and minute care to whatever I think will affect your high position.

DCCCV (F X, 4)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

GALLIA COMATA

¹ (NOVEMBER) I was very much pleased with your letters, ² which I note as having been written in consequence of what Furnius said to you. The excuse for not having written before which I have to offer is that I was told that you had left the country; nor did I learn of your return ³ much before your own letter told me of it. I say this, because I do not think that I can omit any attention to you, however insignificant, without the very gravest breach of duty. For being careful to pay such attentions I have innumerable reasons, whether I look to the close ties between our fathers, or my reverence for you which began with my childhood, or your mutual affection for me. Wherefore, my dear Cicero; as far as our respective ages permit, Convince yourself that you are the one man whose society has enabled me to maintain the purity of life of which my father gave me an example. Therefore all the counsels you give are, in my eyes, inspired not more by wisdom--though in that they are supreme-than by loyal friendship, which I gauge by person. It was either never renewed, or subsequent letters have been all lost. These are the last words that have come to us of a correspondence between two men among the most remarkable existing for its continuity, as well as for its candour and complete unreserve. The remainder of the correspondence, though it carries us through almost the most momentous and exciting months ever experienced in Rome, has indeed all the agitation and stir of life, but lacks the note of complete confidence and self-revelation of the letters to Atticus. [p. 162] my own heart. Supposing me then to be otherwise minded, your reprimand at any rate would have been sufficient to stop me: or supposing me to be hesitating, your exhortation would have sufficed to force me to follow the course which you thought to be the most honourable. As it is, however, what is there to draw me in a different direction? Whatever advantages I possess, whether bestowed upon me by the kindness of fortune or acquired by my own labour, though your affection induces you to value them with partial kindness, are yet so great in the judgment even of my bitterest opponent, that they lack nothing but the good opinion of the world. Wherefore, if you were ever sure of anything, be sure of this--whatever effort my bodily strength, whatever provision my mental powers, whatever impression my personal influence, are capable of making--all these shall ever be at the service of the Republic. Your sentiments are not unknown to me: and if I had the opportunity--as I wish with all my heart I had--of seeing you face to face, I should never have dissented from your policy; nor even as it is will I allow any act of mine to deserve your just rebuke. I am anxiously awaiting news from every quarter, to learn what goes on in Cisalpine Gaul, or in the city, when January comes. Meanwhile my greatest anxiety and concern here are lest, instigated by the malpractices of others, these tribes should regard our difficulty as their opportunity. But if my success equals my deserts, I shall at any rate satisfy the expectations both of yourself, which is my chief ambition, and of all loyalists. ⁴ [p. 163]

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¹ Plancus was governor of all Transalpine Gaul, except Narbonensis, which Lepidus held with Hither Spain. This was sometimes called Gallia Comata.

² See Letters DCCLXXXIV, DCCLXXXV.

³ From the journey to Greece, begun at Leucopetra and abandoned (see pp.119, 131). For Furnius, see p.134.

⁴ This letter well illustrates the vanity and shiftiness of the "constitutional traitor" Plancus, who was already making his plans to watch events and join the stronger party. He therefore contrives in most elaborate language to say just nothing. The two objects which he had in view were to keep his province, of which Antony's triumph would probably deprive him, but also to have the consulship of B.C. 42, to which Caesar had nominated him. For this latter purpose it might suit him better to join Antony. This double ambition kept him for many months hovering between the two sides.

DCCCVII (F X, 5)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN TRANSALPINE GAUL)

ROME (DECEMBER)

I have received a letter from you in duplicate, which in itself shews me how careful you are: for I understood that you were anxious that a letter which I most ardently desired should reach my hands. From this letter I received a double satisfaction, such that it is difficult for me to decide by any comparison, whether to regard your affection for me or your loyalty to the Republic as the more valuable. As a general truth affection for one's country is, in my judgment at least, the greatest thing of all; but personal love and sympathy find certainly a softer place in our heart. Therefore your recalling the friendship of our fathers and the affection which you have bestowed on me from your childhood, and all the other circumstances accompanying that feeling, gave me the keenest pleasure. Again, the revelation of the sentiments which you entertain towards the Republic and intend to maintain was most delightful to me, and my joy was all the greater because it came in addition to what you had said before. Accordingly, my dear Plancus, I do not merely exhort you--I go so far as actually to entreat you--as I did in the letter to which you have made such an exceedingly kind answer--to throw yourself with all your soul and with every impulse of your heart into the cause of the Republic. There is nothing that can bring you higher reward or greater glory, nor is there anything that a human being can do more splendid or brilliant than to deserve well of the Republic. I say this because as yet--for your consummate kindness [p. 165] and wisdom permit me to speak my sentiments with candour--you seem to have accomplished the most splendid achievements with the support of fortune; and though you could not have done so without personal merit, yet to a great extent those achievements are commonly put down to fortune and the circumstances of the time. But in a crisis of such supreme difficulty as the present, whatever help you give to the Republic will be wholly and peculiarly your own. You could scarcely believe how all citizens, except the rebel party, detest Antony. High hopes are placed on you and your army-great expectations. In heaven's name, do not let slip the opportunity for gaining such popularity and glory! I counsel you as a father might a son: I am as eager for your honour as for my own: I exhort you with the fervour inspired by my country's cause and the knowledge of your devoted friendship.

DCCCXXIII (F X, 6)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GAUL)

ROME, 20 MARCH

WHAT our friend Furnius reported as to your disposition towards the Republic was highly pleasing to the senate and most cordially approved of by the Roman people. But your despatch, which was read in the senate, did not seem at all to harmonize with the verbal report of Furnius. For you are for peace, though that illustrious man your colleague ¹ is being actually besieged by the most abandoned outlaws, who ought to beg for peace after laying down their arms; or if they demand it with arms in their hands, we must attain that peace by victory, not by making terms. But how your despatch about peace, or that of Lepidus, has been received you will be able to learn from that honourable man your brother, ² and from Gaius Furnius. However, my affection for you has [p. 188] made me anxious that, although you are not yourself wanting in sagacity, and although you have the goodwill and loyal wisdom of your brother and Furnius ever at your side, yet, Considering the many ties between us, some injunction should reach you with the cachet of my authority also. Well then believe me, my dear Plancus, that all the steps in official promotion which you have hitherto attained--and they are of the most honourable nature-will convey nothing but the empty titles of office without the true marks of dignity, unless you throw in your lot with the liberty of the Roman people and the authority of the senate. Separate yourself, I beseech you, at length from those to whom you have been bound, not by your own deliberate judgment, but by the chains of circumstance. Many in the confusion of public affairs have received the title of consulars, not one of whom is regarded as really a consular, unless he has shewn the true spirit of a consular towards the state. This is the sort of man that you are bound to be, first in withdrawing yourself from association with disloyal citizens extremely unlike yourself; next in giving your services as supporter, champion, leader to the senate and the whole loyalist party; and lastly in making up your mind that peace does not consist in merely laying aside arms, but in dispelling the fear of arms and slavery. If this is your policy and these your sentiments, you will not only be a consul and a consular, but also a great consul and a great consular. If not, in these splendid titles of office there will not only be no dignity, there will be the extremity of dishonour. Under the influence of my warm feeling for you I write these words with somewhat unusual gravity. But you will find them to be true, if you put them to the test of practice--the only method worthy of you.

20 March. [p. 189]

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¹ Decimus Brutus with Plancus was consul-designate for B.C. 42.

² Gnaeus Munatius Plancus, who was a praetor this year. Hence Cicero mentions him with the complimentary viro optimo, almost "his excellency."

DCCCXXIX (F X, 7)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

GALLIA COMATA (23 MARCH)

I would have written you a longer letter about my plans and given you an account of all my movements in greater detail, to convince you more fully that I have done every-thing for the Republic which your exhortation first suggested to me, and which I took upon myself to perform--for I always wished for your approval as much as for your love, and did not so much secure you as my defender in case of committing a fault, as wish for you as a trumpeter of my services--but two circumstances make me more brief. The first is that I have fully stated everything in my public despatch. The second is that I have ordered Marcus Varisidius, a Roman knight and my intimate friend, to go home in person and visit you: so that from him you might learn every particular. I can assure you on my honour that I have been feeling very considerable vexation at seeing others anticipating me in the winning of reputation; but I have put a restraint upon myself until I could succeed in doing something worthy both of my consulship and of what you and your friends expect of me. And, if fortune does not play me false, I hope I shall succeed in making men feel now and remember hereafter that I have been a very great protection to the constitution. I beg you to give firm support to my position, and to make me still more energetic in the future by the actual fruition of those advantages, by the hope of which you inspired me to aim at glory. I feel convinced that your power is as great as your will. See that you keep well and return my affection. [p. 198]

DCCCXXX (F X, 8)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO THE MAGISTRATES

AND SENATE

GALLIA COMATA (23 MARCH) PLANCUS, imperator, consul-designate, greets the Consuls, praetors, tribunes of the plebs, the senate, the people and commons of Rome.

In case anyone thinks that I have kept public expectation and the hopes of the state as to my disposition too long in suspense, I think I must offer an explanation to such a man before proceeding to promise anything to anybody as to my future services. For I do not wish to have the appearance of having made up for a previous error, but to be delivering in the fullness of time the long-cherished sentiments of a loyal heart. It did not escape me that at a time of such profound public anxiety and such great political confusion the profession of loyal sentiments is a most profitable thing to make, and I saw that a considerable number of people had secured high honours by that means. But since fortune had brought me to such a pass as to force me to choose between making premature promises, and thereby of my own act raising up formidable obstacles to the accomplishment of any useful service, or putting a restraint upon myself in that respect, and thereby having better opportunities of rendering aid, I chose a course better calculated to secure the public safety than my own reputation. For who is there that in the high position I at present enjoy, and after a life such as I think the world knows mine to have been, and with the prospects which I actually possess, could submit to anything degrading or set his heart upon anything likely to be mischievous? But I required a considerable time, heavy labours, and great expense in order finally to make good my promises to the Republic and all loyal citizens, and in order not to approach the task of [p. 199] aiding my country with no equipment except good intentions, but with the requisite resources. I had to secure the loyalty of my army, which had been often tampered with by the offer of great bounties, and to persuade it to look to the state for moderate rewards, rather than to a single person for unlimited ones. The loyalty also of numerous tribes had to be secured, which in the previous year ¹ had been laid under obligations by bounties and grants of compensations; and they had to be convinced that such rewards were shadowy, and that they must try to obtain the same privileges from more constitutional sources. I had also to sound the intentions of the other commanders of neighbouring provinces and armies, and induce them to join me in championing freedom in conjunction with the majority,' rather than that we should share with the minority a victory disastrous to the world at large. Moreover, I had to take precautions for my own safety by increasing my army and multiplying the number of my auxiliaries, in order that, while making no secret of my sentiments, I might yet incur no danger by its being publicly known, even though some objected, which side I meant to embrace. Accordingly, I shall never deny that, in order to arrive at the accomplishment of these designs, I have, contrary to my inclinations, pretended to feelings that I did not entertain, and with pain dissembled those that I did. For I saw from what had befallen my colleague the danger of a premature revelation of intentions by a loyal but unprepared citizen.

On this account I have given my legate Gaius Furnius--a gallant and energetic officer-still fuller instructions by word of mouth than are contained in this despatch, to the end that they might reach you with greater secrecy, and I might remain in greater security. And I have instructed him as to what is required for strengthening the public safety and properly equipping myself. And from this it may be understood that the care of the defence of our country's highest interests has not for long past been suffered to sleep in my [p. 200] breast. By the blessing of heaven we are now in a better state of preparation in every particular, and we wish all the world not merely to have good hopes, but to feel certain, of us. I have five legions under colours, united by their own loyalty and excellence to the Republic with the most absolute fidelity, and at 'the same time devoted to me in response to my liberal treatment of them. I have a province in the best possible state from the unanimous consent of all its tribes, and inspired by the keenest emulation in its display of loyalty. My cavalry and auxiliary, forces are as numerous as the tribes in this country can raise in defence of their own safety and liberty. For myself I am fully prepared either to defend my province, or to go wheresoever the Republic calls me, or to hand over army, auxiliaries, and province. Or I would not even decline to bear the whole brunt of the war in my own person, provided that by my own disaster I might secure the safety of my country or delay its danger. I am making these promises when all difficulties have been already solved, and the political crisis is over, I shall rejoice in the benefit to my country, though I thereby lose my chance of earning reputation. But if I am to find myself involved in a share of dangers still at their most unabated height, I commend the defence of my policy to, impartial judges against the detraction of the envious. As for the reward of my own services, that is sufficiently secured in the safety of the state. Yet I think I ought to ask you to regard as commended to your consideration those who have followed my lead, and still more their duty to you, and have been proof against the deception of any promises or the terror of any threats. [p. 201]

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¹ Plancus had been preceded in the governorship of Gallia Comata by Hirtius, who, however, had not gone there in person, but had governed by a legatus (see p. 16). Immediately after the death of Caesar, Antony had apparently taken means to secure the fidelity of the Gauls to himself.

DCCCXLII (F X, 9)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

NEAR VIENNE IN GALLIA NARBONENSIS (27 APRIL)

I am glad that I made no rash promise to you, and that you did not pledge yourself to anything for me without good [p. 220] ground. At any rate you have the stronger evidence of my affection for you in the fact that I wished my plans to be known to you sooner than to anyone else. I hope you clearly perceive that additions to my services are being made every day. I undertake that you shall know it still better. As far as I am concerned, my dear Cicero--as surely as I hope that the state may be relieved through me of the evils that threaten it--though I regard with respect the rewards and honours which you senators have it in your power to bestow--worthy surely to be compared with immortality--yet even without them I am not likely to slacken at all in my zeal and persistence. Unless in the crowd of the most loyal citizens my enthusiasm has been conspicuous and my exertion eminent, I do not desire any accession to my honour by the votes of your house. I covet no honour for myself--it is against such covetousness that I am myself fighting. I am quite content that you should have the decision both of its amount and of its season. A citizen can never think honour paid him by his country either too late or insufficient. I got my army across the Rhone on the 26th of April by forced marches. I sent forward a thousand cavalry from Vienne by a shorter route. If I am not delayed by Lepidus, I shall myself leave nothing to be desired in the way of speed. If; however, he puts himself across my line of march, I shall take such measures as seem necessary. I am bringing a force thoroughly satisfactory as to numbers, nature, and loyalty. I beg you for your affection, as you know that it will be only mutual.

DCCCXXXI (F X, 10)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (N GALLIA COMATA)

ROME, 30 MARCH

THOUGH I had been fully informed by our friend Furnius as to your sentiments and your, policy in regard to the Republic, yet the perusal of your letter has enabled me to form a clearer judgment of your whole mind. Wherefore, though the entire fortune of the state is depending on the result of one battle--which I think by the time that you read these words will have been already decided-yet by the mere report of your sentiments which has gained currency you have earned great applause. Accordingly, it we had had a consul at Rome, the senate would have put on record in terms highly complimentary to you how much your contemplated movement and the preparations you have made are appreciated. And for that the time has not only not passed, but in my opinion is not even yet fully ripe. For in my eyes the only compliment worthy the name is that which is offered and given to illustrious men, not in hope of future advantage, but for important services actually rendered. Wherefore, if only some form of a state exists in which the light of honour is, capable of displaying its brightness, there are no honours, believe me, however splendid, with which you will not be lavishly endowed. Now this honour, which can be truly so called, is not meant to impart a momentary impulse, but is the reward of unvarying excellence. Wherefore, my dear Plancus, throw yourself heart and soul into the pursuit of glory: come to your country's rescue; relieve your colleague; support the unanimous desire and the wonderfully united aspiration of all nations. You will find in me a supporter of your policy, a promoter of your dignity, in every particular your most loving and faithful friend. For to the other reasons for our being united by love, mutual [p. 202] good services, and long habit, there is now added devotion to our country: and that has been sufficient to make me prefer your life to my own.

30 March.

DCCCXLV (F X, 11)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

GALLIA NARBONENSIS (APRIL)

I GIVE you undying thanks, and shall do so as long as I live: since I cannot promise to repay you. For I do not think that I can possibly make a return for such great services as yours, unless by chance, as you remarked in such eloquent and impressive words in your letter, you will consider me to have repaid you as long as I remember them. If it had been a question of your own son's position, you could not have acted at any rate more affectionately. Your first [p. 223] motions in the senate proposing unlimited rewards for me, your later ones made to square with circumstances and the wishes of my friends, your constant and formal speeches about me, and your wordy-warfare on my behalf with my detractors-these are all most thoroughly known to me. I must be more than commonly careful to shew myself as a citizen worthy of your praise, mindful and grateful as your friend. For the future see that your bounty is not wasted; and if by results and facts you find that I am the man you wished me to be, defend me and take up my cause. Having crossed the Rhone with my troops, and having sent forward my brother with 3,000 cavalry, while I was myself on the march for Mutina, I was told on the road of the battle that had taken place, and of Brutus and Mutina being relieved. I saw that Antony and the remains of his force had no other place of retreat except in this district, and that he had two hopes in view-one of Lepidus himself; the other of his army. As a certain fraction of my army is as infatuated as those who were with Antony, I recalled my cavalry. I halted in the country of the Allobroges myself; that I might be as completely prepared for every eventuality as the situation required. If Antony comes into this district without forces, I think I am strong enough by myself to resist him, and to carry on the business of the country in accordance with the judgment of your house, even though he be admitted by the army of Lepidus. But if he brings some of his forces with him, and if the tenth veteran legion, which, having been recalled to its duty by my exertion, is now with the others, relapses into its old mad conduct, nevertheless I will do my best to prevent any loss; and I hope I shall prevent it, provided that forces from Rome are sent across, and by forming a junction with me find it easier to crush these abandoned men. This much I will promise you, my dear Cicero, that no vigour or careful attention shall be wanting on my part. I would to heaven there was no anxiety left, but if there is, I will not fall short of any man's loyalty or perseverance on behalf of you all. I am indeed doing my best to induce Lepidus to share this policy with me, and I am promising to defer to him in every way, if he will only consent to regard the interests of the Republic. I am employing as coadjutors and go-betweens in this negotiation [p. 224] my brother, and Laterensis, and our friend Furnius. I will not be stopped by private quarrels from coming to an understanding with my bitterest foe on behalf of the safety of the Republic. But if I am unsuccessful, nevertheless I will do what you wish with the greatest determination, and perhaps with some addition of reputation to myself. Take care of your health, and give me love for love.

DCCCXXXV (F X, 12)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA COMATA)

ROME, 11 APRIL

ALTHOUGH on public grounds I ought to be extremely rejoiced that you have given the state so much protection and so much aid in what is almost a desperate crisis, yet while I shall embrace you with my whole heart as conqueror if the constitution be restored, still what causes me a great part of my joy is the position you occupy, which I perceive is and will be of the most splendid kind. For do not imagine that any despatch was ever read in the senate which gave greater satisfaction than yours. ¹ And that was the result not only of what I may call the brilliancy of your services to the Republic, but also of the loftiness of your language and sentiments. To me, indeed, it was nothing new, for I knew you, remembered the promises contained in your private letter to myself, and had a thorough acquaintance with your views from our friend Furnius. But to the senate your words seemed beyond what they had expected, not because it had ever doubted your good intentions, but because it had not thoroughly realized how much you could do nor how far you were willing to go. Accordingly, when Marcus Varisidius handed me your letter early in the morning of the 7th of April, and I had read it, I felt an amazing thrill of joy; and as a great crowd of the most distinguished men and citizens were escorting me from my house, I at once made them all sharers in my pleasure. Meanwhile our friend Munatius came as usual to see me. Well, I handed him your letter, for as yet he knew nothing about you, Varisidius [p. 207] having come to me before anyone else, saying that such were your orders. A little later Munatius also allowed me to read the letter you had sent him, as well as your public despatch. We decided to transmit the despatch at once to the city praetor Cornutus, who, in the absence of the consuls, was, according to traditional custom, performing the consular functions. A meeting of the senate was at once summoned and there was a large attendance, owing to the rumour and general anticipation in regard to your despatch. After your despatch had been read a religious difficulty was suggested to Cornutus, because the pullarii informed him that he had not taken the auspices with the proper formalities, and that was confirmed by our augural college. Accordingly, business was postponed to the next day. Well, on that day I had a warm debate with Servilius ² in defence of your position. He had exercised his influence to get his motion put first, but a large majority of senators quitted him and voted directly against it. But when my motion, which was put second, was being largely supported, at the request of Servilius it was vetoed by P. Titius. The business was deferred till the next day. Servilius came prepared "to fight Iupiter himself," ³ in whose temple the debate was to be held. How I crushed him, and with what fiery eloquence I brought the vetoing Titius upon his knees, I would rather you learnt from the letters of others. Take this one fact from mine. The senate could not have been more resolute and firm or better disposed to your glory than it was on this occasion. Not that the senate is a bit more friendly to you than the whole body of citizens. For there is a surprising unanimity of feeling among the entire Roman people, with the united aspiration of all conditions and classes, in favour of recovering the public liberty. Go on, then, as you have begun, to make your name immortal! And as for all those empty shows of glory, founded on the most unsubstantial badges of external splendour, despise them; and regard them as short-lived, counterfeit, and perishable. ⁴ True glory rests on virtue, [p. 208] which is shewn to the highest advantage by services done to the state. You have the most excellent Opportunity for performing these. Since you have embraced it and still possess it, see that the state owes you as much as you owe the state. You will find in me not only a supporter of your high position, but a promoter of its increase. That much I think I owe both to the Republic, which is dearer to me than life itself, and to our friendship. And in these exertions, which I have consecrated to the support of your position, I have found a great pleasure in the still clearer view I have gained of the wisdom and loyalty of Titus Munatius ⁵ --though I knew these before--as displayed in his extraordinary devotion and activity in your service.

11 April.

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¹ This is Letter DCCCXXX. I think, if Cicero had not been blinded by his extreme desire for the loyalty of Plancus, he would have seen in that despatch the coming treason. It protests too much, and yet avoids really committing the writer. But in spite of Cicero's compliments to Plancus, he probably had his misgivings.

² P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, Caesar's colleague in the consulship of B.C. 48. Cicero thought him too lukewarm in his condemnation of the party of Antony (9 Phil. §§ 7, 11).

³ For this proverbial expression, see vol. ii., p.307.

⁴ The vote of thanks seems to have been successfully resisted by the

⁵ Brother of L. Plancus, the recipient of these letters.

DCCCLIV (F X, 13)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA COMATA)

ROME (10 MAY)

From the first moment that the opportunity was given me of promoting your position, I omitted nothing that was calculated to do you honour, whether in the way of substantial reward for valour or of complimentary words. That you will be able to learn from the decree of the senate itself: for it was drawn up word for word as I delivered my motion from a written copy; which motion was carried by a full senate with great enthusiasm and striking unanimity. Although I clearly gathered from your letter to me that you cared more for the approval of good men than for the outward badges of distinction, yet I thought that we ought to [p. 236] take into calculation-even if you made no demand--how much was due to you from the Republic. See that you make the end tally with the beginning. For the man who crushes Antony will have finished the war. Just so Homer did not give either Ajax or Achilles the title of" city-sacker," but Ulysses. ¹

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¹ This is true of the Odyssey, but in the Iliad Achilles is called ptoliporthios four times (viii. 372; 15.77; 21.550; 24.108). But as the great critic Aristarchus made the same remark, he was either referring only to the Odyssey, or he disbelieved in the genuineness of these verses in the iliad. The point here is that, though Ajax and Achilles won victories, it was Ulysses who finished the war by leading the chiefs in the wooden horse; so it is the man who conquers Antony that will finish the war.

DCCCXLIX (F X, 14)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA COMATA)

ROME, 5 MAY

WHAT a pleasant report it was that we received two days before that of the victory of the support you were bringing up, of your zeal, your rapid movements, and the forces at your disposal! And yet even now that the enemy have been [p. 229] repulsed our whole hope is in you. For the most notorious ringleaders of those outlaws are said to have escaped from the battle of Mutina. Now it is no less satisfactory to wipe out the last part of an invasion than to drive off the first. As for me, I am anxiously looking for a letter from you, and my anxiety is shared by many. I am in hopes, too, that Lepidus--warned by the present state of public affairs-wilt act with you and the Republic. Therefore, my dear Plancus, make it your special aim that not a single spark of that most abominable war be left alight. If this is accomplished, you will have done the state a service more than human and will also win imperishable honour for yourself.

5 May.

DCCCLVI (F X, 15)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CULARO (Modern Grenoble), 13 MAY

What has happened since my last letter ¹ was written I thought it for the public service that you should know. My persevering attention has, I hope, borne some fruit both for myself and the Republic. For by a continual interchange [p. 238] of messages I urged Lepidus, laying aside all Controversies and admitting a reconciliation between us, to join me in coming to the rescue of the Republic; to have regard for himself; his children, and the city, as more precious than one abandoned and humiliated outlaw: and I promised him that he should find me thoroughly at his command in every undertaking if he did so. I have made some way with him; and accordingly he has by our intermediary Laterensis pledged his word to me that he will make war on Antony, if he fails to prevent his entrance into his province. He has asked me to join him and combine our forces. He is the more urgent on that point because Antony for his part is said to be strong in cavalry, while Lepidus himself is not even moderately equipped in that respect. For even from the small number that he did possess, ten of the best a few days ago had deserted to my camp. When I was informed of these facts I did not delay: I thought that Lepidus was to be encouraged in the path of loyalty. I saw what my arrival was likely to effect, either because I could, as I reckoned, pursue and crush his cavalry with mine, or because I might, I thought, by bringing my army up, reform and put pressure upon that part of Lepidus's army which was disaffected and disloyal to the state. Accordingly, having made a bridge in a single day across the Isara--a very large river which bounds the territory of the Allobroges--I got my army across on the 12th of May. Having, however, received information that Lucius Antonius with cavalry and some cohorts had been sent in advance and had arrived at Forum Iulli, I sent my brother with 4,000 cavalry on the 13th of May to meet him. I am going to follow him with four legions in fighting order and the rest of my cavalry as quickly as I can march. If the good fortune of the Republic aids us even to a moderate degree, we shall here find an end to the presumption of a set of ruffians and to our own anxiety. But if that outlaw gets timely warning of our approach and retreats into Italy, it will be the business of Brutus to meet him, who will not, I know, lack either strategy or courage. However, if that happens, I shall send my brother with the cavalry in pursuit of him, to protect Italy from being looted. Take care of your health and return my affection. [p. 239]

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¹ See Letter DCCCXLV. This may have been sent with it.

DCCCLXXVII (F X, 16)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (AT CULARO)

ROME (27 MAY)

Never within living memory have I seen anything happen, Plancus, more glorious, more welcome, or more exactly in the nick of time, than your despatch. For it was delivered to Cornutus ¹ in a full meeting of the senate just after he had read aloud the cold and shuffling despatch of Lepidus. Immediately after it yours was read and was received with loud cheers. For it was not only most welcome for the actual news it contained and the zeal and good services to the state which it implied, but its language and sentiments were also most impressive. Cries were raised that Cornutus should at once bring forward a motion arising from your despatch. He said that he wished time for consideration. When this had brought down on him a severe remonstrance from the whole senate, five of the tribunes brought forward a motion. Servilius ² being called upon voted for postponing the business. I then delivered an opinion with which they all agreed to a man. What it was you will learn from the decree itself. As for you, though you are in no want of prudence, or rather have enough and to spare, you ought yet to resolve to refer nothing here, nor in the midst of such sudden and pressing emergencies to think yourself bound to ask advice from the senate. Be your own senate, and follow wherever the interest of the public service shall lead you. Let it be your object that we hear of some brilliant operation by you before we thought that it was going to happen. I pledge my word to you that whatever you achieve the senate will accept as having been done not merely with loyal intention, but also with wisdom. [p. 272]

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¹ Praetor Urbanus, presiding in absence of consuls. See pp.207, 235.

² P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus. Cicero thinks him always too lenient towards the party of Antony (see p.207). He had been Caesar's colleague in the consulship of B.C. 48. Though so much junior to Cicero as a consular, he seems to have been called on first.

DCCCLXVIII (F X, 17)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

NEAR FORUM VOCONII, 20 MAY

ON the 15th of May Antony reached Forum Iulii with his advanced guard. Ventidius is two days' march behind him. Lepidus is encamped at Forum Voconii, which is twenty-four miles from Forum Iulli, and has settled to await me there, as he has himself written to tell me. But if neither Lepidus himself nor fortune disappoints me in any way, I pledge myself to finish this business quickly in the manner in which you in the senate desire. I told you in a previous letter that my brother was ill, worn out by continuous work and rapid movements. Nevertheless, as soon as he could set foot to ground, considering that his restored health was not his own more than the state's, he was for leading the forlorn hope everywhere. But I have not merely urged, I have forced him to start for Rome--partly on the grounds that in his state of health he was more likely to wear himself to death than to assist me in camp, and partly because I thought that the Republic, having been left bare by the most regrettable death of the consuls, required the presence of such an eminent citizen as praetor for the conduct of city business. But if any of you at Rome disapprove, let it be known that it was I that lacked prudence in counsel, not he fidelity to his country. After all, Lepidus did what I wanted him to do--he sent me Apella to hold as a hostage of his good faith and of his co-operation in the public service. In that business I was well satisfied with the services of L. Gellius, ¹ whom I employed as my last emissary to [p. 262] Lepidus. I think that I ascertained him to be attached to the Republic, and it will give me pleasure to testify to him and to all who serve the state well. Take care of your health, return my affection for you, and defend my position, if I deserve it, as you have done up to this time with remarkable kindness.

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¹ After this name the MSS. have ex tribus fratribus Segaviano, which appear to have no meaning. We know nothing of this L. Gellius. If he was a Romanized Gaul, the right reading may be ex tribus fratribus Segallaunis, "one of three brothers of the Segallauni," a people living round Valence on the Rhone.

DCCCLXVI (F X, 18)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

GAUL, 18 MAY

WHAT I had in my mind when Laevus and Nerva quitted me you have been able to ascertain by the letter which I forwarded by them and from these men personally, who have taken part in all my actions and consultations- There has happened to me what usually does happen to a man of honour and one who is desirous of doing his duty to the state, in fact to all good men, that I preferred to pursue a dangerous course with an approving conscience, rather than a safe one which might lay me open to some reproach. Accordingly, after the departure of his legates, as Lepidus in two successive letters begged me to join him, and Laterensis still more strongly begged me to do so in terms almost of entreaty-shewing no dread of anything except what causes me also some alarm, the fickleness and untrustworthy temper of his army--I thought I ought not to hesitate about hurrying to his assistance and confronting the common danger. Now the safe course for me was to wait on the Isére till Dec. Brutus got his army across the mountains, and to go to meet the enemy with a colleague in sympathy with my views and an army in full accord and well-affected to the had not opposed Antony's passage, and indeed seems to have joined him (App. B.C. 3.83). [p. 259] Republic, as his soldiers are. Nevertheless I knew that if Lepidus while entertaining loyal ideas came to any harm, it would all be laid to the charge either of my obstinacy or my timidity. I saw plainly that this would' be so, if I either failed to relieve a man closely united with the Republic, though on bad terms with myself, or had myself withdrawn from the struggle in a war of such moment. So I preferred to run the risk, and to see whether my presence might afford Lepidus protection and render his army better-affected, rather than appear over-cautious. At any rate I think there never was anyone more anxious, without any fault of his own, than myself. For the very situation which was causing me no hesitation, supposing Lepidus's army away, in the present state of things brings me great anxiety and involves great risk. For if it had been my fortune to encounter Antony first, he would not, by heaven, have held his ground an hour. So confident do I feel in myself and so completely do I despise his demoralized forces and the division of Ventidius the mule-man. ¹ But I cannot but shudder at the idea of some hidden wound, which may cause mischief before it can be known and treated. But certainly unless I had remained on the same ground Lepidus himself and the well-affected part of his army would have incurred great danger. The unscrupulous enemy also would have secured a great accession of force, if they had withdrawn any of his troops from Lepidus. And if my arrival has stopped these things occurring I shall thank my stars and my own firmness, which incited me to make this experiment. Therefore on the 20th of May I broke up my camp on the Isére: I left the bridge standing, however, which I had constructed over that river, with a fort placed at each end of it; and in them I stationed strong garrisons, that there might be a means of crossing without delay ready for Brutus and his army when he came. ² I shall myself, I hope, in eight days from the despatch of this letter effect a junction with the forces of Lepidus. [p. 260]

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¹ P. Ventidius Bassus had in earlier life contracted for the supply of mules to Caesar's army. It was in that capacity that he seems to have attracted Caesar's notice and confidence.

² Decimus Brutus was at Eporedia (Ivree), ready to cross by the Little St. Bernard pass, which would bring him into Provence, and in his march south he would have to cross the Isére.

DCCCLXXV (F X, 19)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GAUL)

ROME (27 MAY)

THOUGH I do not look for formal thanks from you, ¹ since I know that you are most grateful in fact and from your heart, nevertheless--for I must confess the truth--they were very gratifying to me. For I seem to see, as though it were something actually visible to the eye, that I am beloved by you. You will say, "What did you think before?" Well, [p. 269] I always knew it, but never with greater clearness. Your despatch was wonderfully liked by the senate, both for the facts it contained, which were of the utmost importance and significance, indicating supreme courage and consummate strategy, and also for the impressiveness of its sentiments and language. But, my dear Plancus, push on with all your might and finish the last struggles of the war. In this you will find the greatest popularity and glory. Of course the object of all my desires is the Republic: but, by heaven, I am by this time tired out with my efforts to save it, and am now not more earnest in favour of my country than of your glory. To win that the immortal gods have now given you a unique opportunity, as I hope. Embrace it, I beseech you. For the man who crushes Antony will have brought a most abominable and dangerous war to an end.

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¹ See pp.236, 254.

DCCCLXXX (F x, 20)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GAUL)

ROME, 29 MAY

ALL the news from your part of the world is so uncertain that nothing occurs to me to say to you. For at one time reports of Lepidus are satisfactory, at another the reverse. However, of you the report is unvarying--that you can be neither hoodwinked nor beaten. The credit for the latter is to a certain extent fortune's, for the former it wholly belongs to your own good sense. But I have received a letter from your colleague ¹ dated the 15th of May, in which he said that you had written to tell him that Antony was not being received by Lepidus. I shall feel more certain of this if you give me the same information in a letter, but perhaps you do not venture to do so owing to the ill-grounded cheerfulness of your former letter. But as it was possible for you, my dear Plancus, to make a mistake--for who escapes doing so ?-so no one can fail to see that it was impossible that you should be taken in. Now, however, even the plea of being mistaken has been taken away--"Twice on the same stone," ² you know, is a fault reproved by a common proverb. But if the truth is as you have written to your colleague, we are freed from all anxiety; yet we shall not be so until you inform us that it is the Case. My opinion indeed, as I have [p. 281] often told you in my letters, is that the man who extinguishes the last embers of this part of the war will be the real victor in the whole war, and I both hope and believe that you will be the man. I am not at all surprised and am deeply gratified that my zeal on your behalf, which certainly Could not have been surpassed, has been as pleasant to your feelings as I thought it would be. You will find it indeed to be greater and more effective still, if things go well with you there.

29 May.

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¹ Decimus Brutus, who with Plancus was Consul-designate for B.C. 42.

² To strike the foot twice on the same stone, dis pros ton auton aischron eiskrouein lithon, bis ad eundem offendere lapidem turpe est. Something like our "A burnt child fears the fire." or "Once bit twice shy."

DCCCLVII (F X, 21, §§ 1-6)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CAMP ON THE ISARA, 15 MAY

I should have been ashamed of the contradictory nature of my despatches, had not this depended on the caprices of another. I had adopted every possible precaution for enabling me, by combining with Lepidus for the defence of the Republic, to resist these ruffians with less anxiety to you all at Rome. I conceded everything he demanded and volunteered much besides, and two days ago I wrote to tell you that I felt sure of finding Lepidus loyal, and that I should conduct the war in consultation with him. I trusted to his own handwriting, and to the personal assurances of Laterensis, who was then in my camp and was entreating me to be reconciled to Lepidus and to trust him. I was not long allowed to entertain good hopes of him. At least I have taken precautions, and will continue to do so, that the fortune of the Republic does not suffer from any credulity on my part. When after constructing a bridge in a single day I had got my army across the Isara, using all the rapidity which the gravity of the situation demanded, because he had written to me with his own hand asking me to hasten my arrival, I was met by his orderly bringing a despatch in which he warned me not to come, saying that lie could finish the affair independently, and that I should meanwhile wait for him on the Isara. I will tell you what my idea on the spur of the moment was. I had resolved to go all the same, thinking that what he was trying to avoid was having anyone to share in his glory. I thought that I could avoid trenching at all upon the reputation of a poor-spirited man, and yet could be at hand on some convenient ground, so as to be able to render prompt aid in case of any reverse. This was my idea in the innocence of my heart. But Laterensis, who is a thoroughly honourable man, sent me [p. 240] a letter in his own handwriting, expressing excessive despair of himself; of the army, of the good faith of Lepidus, and complaining that he had been thrown over. In this letter also he openly warned me to be on my guard against being taken in: said that he had been true to his word: and begged me not to abandon the Republic. I have sent a copy of his original letter to Titius. ¹ The original documents themselves, both those in which I believed, and those in which I thought no confidence was to be placed, I will give to Laevus Cispius--who was cognizant of all these transactions--to take home.

An additional complication is that when Lepidus harangued his men, the soldiers who are disaffected in themselves and have been also tampered with by their officers-your Canidii, Rufreni, and all that lot, whose names you shall know when needful-joined in shouting, excellent fellows! "that they desired peace and would not fight with anybody, after two distinguished consuls had been lost, so many citizens killed in defence of their country, and when finally all had been declared public enemies, and had their property confiscated." As this outbreak was neither punished nor allayed by Lepidus, I saw that I had been infatuated and rash to come here, and expose my thoroughly loyal army, my very numerous auxiliaries, the leading men of Gaul, and my whole province to those two combined armies. ² I saw, too, that had I been overpowered in these circumstances, and dragged down the Republic with me into ruin, my death would not only have been without honour, but without even pity. Therefore I am about to return, and will not allow the possibility of such great advantages being presented to such scoundrels. I will take care to keep my army on advantageous ground, to protect my province, even though Lepidus's army has joined in the defection, not to commit myself to anything, until you send reinforcements from home, and to defend the constitution here with the same good fortune as has been done elsewhere. ³ At the same time, no one was ever more ready to fight a pitched battle, if occasion presents itself; or to stand a siege, if it turns out [p. 241] to be necessary; or to die, if so it happens, in your defence. Wherefore I urge upon you, my dear Cicero, to see to an army being sent across to this district as soon as possible, and to hasten that measure before the enemy consolidates his strength and our men begin to be shaken in their allegiance. If that is done promptly, traitors will be destroyed, and the victory will remain with the Republic. Take care of your health and love me.

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¹ A tribune (see p.207). Plancus wants to justify himself in the eyes of his opponents at Rome.

² That is, of Antony and Lepidus.

³ That is, as at Mutina.

CMI (F X, 22)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (AT CULARO)

ROME (END OF JUNE)

In you and your colleague is our every hope, with the blessing of heaven. With the cordial union existing between you, which was manifested in your joint despatch, both the senate and the whole body of citizens were delighted. You mention in your letter to me the subject of the land commission. ¹ If the senate had been consulted on the matter I should have supported whoever made the proposal most complimentary to you--and that person would have certainly been myself. But when, owing to the slowness with which opinions were expressed, and the delay thus caused to business, the motions brought before the senate did not reach a settlement, it seemed best to myself and your brother Plancus to avail ourselves of the senatorial decree, as to which you will have learnt from your brother's letter who it was that prevented its being drawn up exactly in accordance with our wishes. But if you find anything wanting in that decree or in other things, still assure yourself that the affection for you among all loyalists is so great, that no kind of position can be imagined, however splendid, which is not at your disposal. I am exceedingly anxious to hear from you, and to hear such news as I most desire. [p. 311]

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¹ See p.290.

DCCCXC (F X, 23)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CULARO,

¹ 6 JUNE NEVER by heaven! my dear Cicero, shall I repent of encountering the greatest dangers for my country, provided that, if anything happen to me, I escape the reproach of rashness. I confess that I should have made a slip from imprudence, if I had ever believed at the bottom of my heart in Lepidus. For credulity is an error rather than a crime, and indeed the honester the man the more easily does it find its way into his mind. But it was not by this defect that I was all but taken in: for I knew Lepidus thoroughly. What was it, then? It was over-scrupulousness--the most dangerous thing in war--that compelled me to incur this risk. For, if I had stopped there, I was afraid of being thought by [p. 293] some of my detractors both to have been too obstinate in my quarrel with Lentulus, and to be actually fostering the war by my waiting policy. Accordingly, I brought up my forces almost to within sight of Lepidus and Antony, and leaving a space between us of forty miles I took up a position with the design of being able either to approach them with speed or to retire in safety. In selecting my ground I secured two advantages, a river in my front, which would delay an enemy in crossing it, and the Vocontii close at hand, through whose territory my road would be kept open without fear of treachery. Lepidus, having given up hope of my arrival, which he was very anxious to secure, effected a junction with Antony on the 29th of May, and on the same day they advanced against me. When they were twenty miles off I got news of this. By the blessing of heaven I managed to retire with speed without this movement having any appearance of a flight: without a single soldier or horseman or particle of baggage being lost or being intercepted by those hot-headed outlaws. Accordingly, on the 4th of June I got my whole force across the Isara and broke the bridge which I had constructed, that my men might have time to pull themselves together, and that I might meanwhile effect a junction with my colleague, whom I am expecting in three days from the date of this letter. I will always acknowledge the fidelity and eminent loyalty to the Republic of my friend Laterensis. But certainly his excessive consideration for Lepidus made him somewhat less acute in his view of these dangers. It is true that when he saw that he had been duped, he tried to lay the hands upon himself which he would have done better to have armed against Lepidus. In this attempt, however, he was interrupted, and is still alive, and is said to be likely to live: but of this after all I have no certain information. It was a great chagrin to those parricides that I escaped from their clutches: for they were coming inspired by the same madness against me as against their country. Their temper also had been embittered by recent events-because I had not ceased lashing Lepidus, urging him to put an end to the war; because I rejected the idea of conferences; because I had forbidden legates sent to me under the guarantee of Lepidus to come into my presence; because I had captured Gaius Catius Vestinus, a military tribune, sent by Antony to him [p. 294] with, a despatch, and had treated him as an enemy. ² And in all this I have at least this satisfaction, that at any rate the more eager they were to get me the more annoyance has their failure caused them. It is your part, my dear Cicero, to, continue as before using all your vigilance and energy in reinforcing us who are at the actual seat of war. Let Caesar come with the best troops he has, or, if any circumstance prevents him from coming himself, let his army be sent. ³ For it is a question of considerable peril for himself. All the ruffian element that was at any time likely to join the camp against their country has now combined. In defence, then, of the city's bare existence, why should we not employ all the resources at our disposal? But if you at Rome don't fail me, certainly, as far as I am concerned, I shall in all respects do my whole duty and something more to the Republic. For you, my dear Cicero, I love you more every day of my life, and every day your services sharpen my anxiety not to forfeit any of your affection or good opinion. I pray that I may be permitted by a personal display of my devotion and duty to make your kindnesses a subject of greater gratification to yourself.

6 June, Cularo, in the country of the Allobroges.

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¹ Grenoble, where Plancus was presently joined by Decimus Brutus.

² He may mean that he kept him as a prisoner of war, but I fear the phrase in Caesar usually means "put to the sword" (in numero hostis habere).

³ Plancus has evidently no idea, or poses as having no idea, of the real relation between the senate and Octavian.

CMXI (F X, 24)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CAMP NEAR CULARO, 28 JULY

I cannot refrain from thanking you in view of the course of events and of your services. But, by heaven! I blush to do it. For an intimacy as close as that which you have wished me to have with you seems not to require any formal thanks, nor do I willingly pay the poor recompense of words in return for your supreme kindness, and I would rather, when we meet, prove my gratitude by my respect, my obedience to your wishes, and my constant attentions. But if to live on is my fate, in this same respect, obedience to your wishes, and constant attentions, I will surpass all your beloved friends and even your devoted relatives. For whether your affection for me and your opinion of me are likely to bring me greater reputation in perpetuity or greater daily pleasure, I should find it hard to decide.

You have concerned yourself as to the bounties to the soldiers; whom I wished to be rewarded by the senate, not to enhance my own power--for I am conscious of entertaining no thoughts except for the common benefit--but first of all, because in my opinion they deserved it; next, because I wished them to be still more closely attached to [p. 327] the Republic in view of all eventualities; and lastly, in order that I might guarantee their continuing as completely proof against all attempts to tamper with their loyalty, as they have been up to this time.

As yet we have kept everything here in statu quo. And this policy of ours, though I know how eager men are and with reason for a decisive victory, is yet, I hope, approved of by you. For if any disaster happens to these armies, the Republic has no great forces in reserve to resist any sudden attack or raid of the parricides. The amount of our forces I presume is known to you. In my camp there are three legions of veterans, one of recruits perhaps the finest of all: in the camp of Decimus Brutus there is one veteran legion, a second of two-years'-service men, eight of recruits. Therefore the whole force taken together is very strong in numbers, in stamina inferior. For how much it is safe to trust to raw levies in the field we have had too frequent experience. To the strength of these armies of ours, if there was added either the African army which consists of veterans, or that of Caesar, we should hazard the safety of the Republic on a battle without any uneasiness. Now, as to Caesar, we see that he is considerably the nearer of the two. I have therefore never ceased importuning him by letter, and he has uniformly replied that he is coming without delay: while all the time I perceive that he has given up that idea and has taken up some other scheme. Nevertheless, I have sent our friend Furnius ¹ to him with a message and a letter, in case he may be able to do some good. You know, my dear Cicero, that in regard to love for Caesar you and I are partners, either because, being one of Iulius Caesar's intimates, I was obliged-while he was alive--to look after the boy and shew him affection; or because he was himself, as far as I could make out, of a very orderly and kindly disposition; or because, after such a remarkable friendship as existed between me and Iulius Caesar, it seems discreditable that I should not regard as a son one who was adopted into that position by his decision and by that of your house alike. ² Yet after all--and whatever I write [p. 328] to you I write rather in sorrow than in anger--the fact that Antony is alive today, that Lepidus is with him, that they have far from contemptible armies, that they are hopeful and bold--for all these they may thank Caesar. I will not go back to old matters, but from the moment that he gave out that he was coming to me, if he had chosen to come, the war would at once have either been put an end to, or, to their very great loss, have been thrust back into Spain, which is most hostile in sentiment to them. What idea or whose advice has withdrawn him from such great glory, which was at the same time required by his interests and needful for his safety, and has turned his attention to the thought of a two-months' consulship, entailing a great and general panic, and demanded in a peremptory and offensive manner--I cannot conjecture. It seems to me that in this matter his relations could exercise considerable influence both for his sake and for that of the Republic: most of all, as I think, could you also do so, since he is more obliged to you than anyone else is except myself--for I shall never forget that the obligations I owe you are exceedingly great and numerous. I commissioned Furnius to urge these considerations upon him. But if I prove to have as great an influence with him as I ought to have, I shall have done him a great service himself. Meanwhile we are maintaining the war at a disadvantage, because we do not think an engagement the safest Solution of the difficulty, and yet will not allow the Republic to suffer greater loss by our retirement. But if either Caesar has bethought himself; or the African legions have come promptly, ³ we will relieve you of anxiety on this side. I beg you to continue to honour me with your regard, and to believe that I am peculiarly at your service.

28 July, in camp.

DCCCLXXVI (F X, 25)

TO GAIUS FURNIUS (IN GAUL WITH PLANCUS)

ROME (26-30 MAY)

IF it is of importance to the Republic--as is the general belief--that you should complete the work in the same spirit as you have begun to do it and have actually done it, and that you should take part in the important operations for extinguishing the last sparks of the war, I think you can do nothing better or more laudable or more to your honour: and in my opinion this labour, activity, and patriotic spirit on your part is to be preferred to any hurrying on of the praetorship. For I would not have you ignorant of the amount of reputation which you have gained. Believe me, it is second only to Plancus, and that too on the testimony of Plancus himself, as well as by the report and knowledge of everybody else. Wherefore, if there is still any labour left for you to perform, my opinion is that you should throw yourself into it with energy. What can be more to your honour? And what is to be preferred to honour? But if [p. 270] you think that you have done all you are bound to do for the state, I think you should come with all speed to the comitia, for they are likely to take place early: provided only that this hurry to secure office does not detract in any way from the glory which we have secured. There have been many very illustrious men who, being abroad on the public service, have missed their proper year for canvassing. And this is easier in our case, because this is not the year marked out for you, on the principle that if you had been aedile your year would have been two years later. ¹ As it is, you will appear not to omit any of the customary observance, and what is a quasi-statutory period of canvassing. ² Moreover, I foresee that with Plancus consul ³ (although even without him your path would be clear) your canvass would be after all more brilliant, provided that the campaign on which you are now engaged shall have been brought to the conclusion we desire. On the whole I don't think that there is much need for me to write any more, considering your great prudence and judgment, yet nevertheless I was unwilling that you should be ignorant of my opinion: the upshot of which is that I would rather you should judge of everything by consideration for your true position than from the chance of official promotion, and should look for your reward in a lasting reputation rather than in a rapid attainment of the praetorship. This was the gist of what I said in my house at a conference with my brother Quintus, Caecina, and Calvisius--all men most devoted to you--your freedman Dardanus being also present. My speech seemed to be approved by all of them. But after all you will judge best for yourself. [p. 271]

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¹ The rule was that a full year must elapse between the aedileship and election to the praetorship--that is, two full years between the actual holding of the two offices. Thus, if Furnius had been aedile in B.C. 44, he could only have been elected praetor in B.C. 42, and held the praetorship in B.C. 43.

² The law required a professio seventeen days (trinundinum) before the election. The year's canvassing was a matter of custom, not law, but of such common custom that Cicero calls it "quasi-statutory."

³ Plancus was consul-designate for B.C. 42.

CMII (F x, 26)

TO GAIUS FURNIUS (IN THE CAMP OF PLANCUS)

ROME (END OF JUNE)

After reading your letter in which you state that Narbonensis must be abandoned or a dangerous battle fought, the former course seemed to me the more formidable, which I am glad to hear has been avoided. You mention the Cordial union of Plancus and Decimus Brutus: in that I place my strongest hope of victory. As to the loyalty of the Gauls, we shall some day learn, as you say, by whose exertions that has been roused. But, believe me, we already know it. Therefore, most delightful as your letter was, I felt a little vexed at the end of it. For you say that if the elections are fixed for August you will hurry home: if they are already over you will come still sooner, "that you may not any longer play the fool and risk your life as well." Oh, my dear Furnius, how completely you fail to grasp your position, though so readily understanding other people's! Do you really suppose that you are now a candidate, or do you Contemplate hurrying home to the elections; or, if they are over, to live at your own house that--as you say--"you may not be the biggest fool alive and in danger as well "? I don't think these are your real sentiments; for I know your keenness for glory. But if you do really think as you write, I don't blame you more than I do my own opinion of you. Can it be that an untimely haste for an office of the most trivial and commonplace kind--if you get it in the same way as most people do--will withdraw you from the pursuit of such glorious deeds, for which all the world is rightly and sincerely praising you to the skies? The question, good heavens! is whether you become praetor at this election or the next, not whether you are to serve the Republic so as to be thought worthy above all men of every kind of honour! Is it that you are ignorant of the height to which you have climbed, or that you think [p. 312] it worthless? If you are ignorant, I forgive you: the fault is ours. But if you are not, is any praetorship more attractive in your eyes than duty for which few, or than glory for which all, strive? On this point I and Calvisius--a man of very sound judgment and most devoted to you--daily find fault with you. As to the comitia--as you are depending on them--we are doing our best, thinking it for many reasons to be for the benefit of the Republic, to put them off till January. So then victory and health to you!

DCCCXXIV (F X, 27)

TO MARCUS AEMILIUS LEPIDUS (IN NARBONENSIS)

ROME, 20 MARCH

SINCE from my extreme goodwill to you it is a matter of much concern to me that you should enjoy the most splendid political position possible, I was much vexed that you did not thank the senate, though you had been complimented by that body with its highest honours. ¹ I am rejoiced that you are desirous of promoting peace between fellow citizens; but if you keep it free from servitude you will be acting in the interests both of the state and of your own position. But if the peace of which you speak is to put an unprincipled person once more in possession of unrestricted tyranny, let me assure you that all sound-feeling men are resolved to prefer death to slavery. So in my opinion you will be acting with more wisdom if you do not commit yourself to promoting a pacification, which has the approval of neither senate, nor people, nor any loyalist. But you will be told this by others or will be informed of it by letter. Your own good sense will shew you what is best to be done. DCCCXXIV A (13 PHIL. §§ 22-46) M. ANTONIUS TO HIRTIUS AND CAESAR ² THE CAMP AT MUTINA (MARCH) THE news of the death of Gaius Trebonius caused me as much regret as joy. One cannot help being glad that a [p. 190] wicked wretch has given satisfaction to the ashes and bones of a most illustrious man, and that Divine Providence has manifested its power before the end of one revolving year in the punishment, or immediate prospect of the punishment, of parricide. On the other hand, one cannot repress a sigh that Dolabella at such a time as this should be adjudged a public enemy for having killed a murderer; and that the Roman people should care more for the son of a mere man-about-town than for Gaius Caesar. But the most painful thing of all, Aulus Hirtius, is that you who were ennobled by the favours of Caesar and left by him in a position which surprises yourself--and that you, young sir, who owe everything to his name--are acting in a way to sanction Dolabella's condemnation and to release this pestilent fellow from his state of siege. In order, I suppose, that Brutus and Cassius may be all-powerful! The fact is, you regard the present situation as you did the former, when you used to speak of Pompey's camp as "the senate." You have taken Cicero as your leader, who was beaten then; you are strengthening Macedonia with troops; you have intrusted Africa to Varus, who had been twice made a prisoner; you have sent Cassius to Syria; you have allowed Casca to be tribune; you have withdrawn the revenue given by Iulius to the Luperci; ³ you have by decree of the senate abolished colonies of veterans which were established by law; you are promising the Massilians to refund what was taken from them by the right of war; ⁴ you give out that no living Pompeian comes under the lex Hirtia; ⁵ you have supplied M. Brutus with money sent by Appuleius; ⁶ you have commended the executions of Petrus had a copy of it which he read in the senate on the 20th of March, when there was a proposal made to send a second embassy to Antony. Cicero accompanied it with a running comment of abuse, meant to shew that it was hopeless to deal with Antony. It puts forcibly Antony's case, and therefore I have thought it well to insert it here. It is extracted from the thirteenth Philippic. [p. 191] and Menedemus, ⁷ who were presented with the citizenship and were beloved by Caesar. You have taken no notice of the expulsion of Theopompus by Trebonius and of his flying stripped of everything to Alexandria; you have Servius Galba in your camp armed with the self-same dagger. ⁸ You have got together an army of soldiers who are either legally mine, or who have served their time, on the pretext of destroying the murderers of Caesar, and yet have forced them contrary to their expectations to assist in endangering the lives of their own quaestor or commander or fellow soldiers. In fact what have you not consented to or done which Gnaeus Pompeius would do, if he could come to life again, or his son if he could regain his home? Lastly, you say that there can be no peace, unless I either allow Decimus Brutus to march out or supply him with corn. Do you mean to tell me that this is the opinion of the veterans who have not yet committed themselves, even though you have been corrupted by flattery and insidious gifts to come here? But, you will say, it is besieged soldiers that you are attempting to relieve. Them I have no objection to spare and to allow to go wherever you order them, on the one condition that they give him ⁹ up to the death he has so richly deserved. You say in your letter that mention has been made in the senate of a pacification, and that five consulars have been appointed as legates. It is difficult to believe that the men who violently repelled me, though I offered the most equitable terms, and was thinking nevertheless of mitigating even them, should be entertaining any thoughts of moderation or be likely to act with common charity. It is scarcely likely even that men who have declared Dolabella a public enemy for a most righteous act should be capable of sparing us who are at one with him in heart.

Wherefore I would have you consider which of the two courses is in the better taste and the more advantageous to your party--to punish the death of Trebonius or that of Caesar: and whether it is more right that we should meet as foes and so allow the Pompeian cause so often defeated to revive, or that we should come to terms and so avoid being a [p. 192] laughing-stock to our enemies, who will be the gainers whichever of us perishes? Such a spectacle as this Fortune herself as yet has shunned. She has not seen, that is, two armies of the same body politic fighting like gladiators with Cicero for a trainer, who has been so far successful as to deceive you both by the same formal honours by which he has boasted of having deceived Caesar. ¹⁰ For my part I am resolved not to submit to the degradation of myself or my friends, nor to desert the party which Pompey hated, nor to allow the veterans to be turned out of their homes, nor to be dragged off one by one to punishment, nor to break the faith which I pledged to Dolabella, nor to violate my compact with that devoted patriot Lepidus, nor to betray Plancus who is a sharer in my policy.

If the immortal gods, as I hope they will, aid me in my plain and honest course, I shall survive with satisfaction to myself; but if a different fate awaits me, I feel an anticipatory pleasure in the punishment which will befall you. For if the Pompeians are so arrogant in defeat, I would rather you than I should experience what they will be in victory. In fact the upshot of my decision is this: I am ready to put up with the injuries done to my party, if they will either consent to forget that they are Caesar's assassins, or are prepared to join us in avenging his death. I cannot believe in legates approaching a place which is being at the same time menaced by war. When they have arrived I shall learn their demands.

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¹ A supplicatio in November (Phil. 3.23); a triumph and gilded chair on the 1st of January (Phil. 5.41; Phil. 13.9). For his wish for peace, see p.187.

² This letter is not included in the Cicero correspondence; yet he

³ The Lupercalia had been falling into disrepute, but were revived by Iulius and the Luperci endowed. See vol. iii., p.89.

⁴ See p.30.

⁵ A law, perhaps passed when Hirtius was praetor or praefectus in B.C. 46, to exclude Pompeians from office. But it is not certain.

⁶ Appuleius was quaestor in Asia (App. B.C. 3.63; Plut. Brut. 24, 25).

⁷ See pp.51, 57. Cicero declares that the senate knew nothing about the case.

⁸ That is, with which he killed Caesar.

⁹ Decimus Brutus.

¹⁰ An allusion to the ornandum, laudandum, tollendum epigram, for which see Letter DCCCLXXIV.

DCCCXVI (F X, 28)

TO GAIUS TREBONIUS (IN ASIA)

ROME, 2 FEBRUARY

How I could wish that you had invited me to that most glorious banquet on the Ides of March! We should have had no leavings! While, as it is, we are having such a trouble with them, that the magnificent service which you men then did the state leaves room for some grumbling. In fact, for Antony's having been taken out of the way by you--the best of men--and that it was by your kindness that this pest still survives, I sometimes do feel, though perhaps I have no right to do so, a little angry with you. For you have left behind an amount of trouble which is greater for me than for everyone else put together.

For as soon as a meeting of the senate could be freely held, after Antony's very undignified departure, ¹ I returned to that old courage of mine, which along with that gallant taking over the province, as though he were "succeeding" to the governorship, without allowing his predecessor even the thirty days beyond his year given him by the Julian law. [p. 176] citizen, your father, you ever had upon your lips and in your heart. For the tribunes having summoned the senate for the 20th of December, and having brought a different piece of business before it, I reviewed the situation as a whole, and spoke with the greatest fire, and tried all I could to recall the now languid and wearied senate to its ancient and traditional valour, more by an exhibition of high spirit than of eloquence. ²

This day and this earnest appeal from me were the first things that inspired the Roman people with the hope of recovering its liberty. And had not I supposed that a gazette of the city and of all acts of the senate was transmitted to you, I would have written you out a copy with my own hand, though I have been overpowered with a multiplicity of business. But you will learn all that from others. From me you shall have a brief narrative, and that a mere summary. Our senate is courageous, but the consulars are partly timid, partly disaffected. ³ We have had a great loss in Servius. ⁴ Lucius Caesar entertains the most loyal sentiments, but, being Antony's uncle, he refrains from very strong language in the senate. The consuls are splendid. Decimus Brutus is covering himself with glory. The youthful Caesar is behaving excellently, and I hope he will go on as he has begun. You may at any rate be sure of this--that, had he not speedily enrolled the veterans, ⁵ and had not the two legions ⁶ transferred themselves from Antony's army to his command, and had not Antony been confronted with that danger, there is no crime or cruelty which he would have omitted to practise. Though I suppose these facts to have been told you, yet I wished you to know them still better. I will write more when I get more leisure. [p. 177]

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¹ When Antony had met the legions from Macedonia at Brundisium, he preceded them with a strong detachment to Rome, arriving between the 15th and 22nd of November, his main body of troops being ordered to muster at Tibur. He ordered in an edict a meeting of the senate un the 23rd, but did not appear, having put off the meeting by another edict to the 28th. He, however, only transacted some formal business--a supplicatio in honour of Lepidus, and a sortitio of the provinces--and then hurriedly left the city for Tibur, probably on hearing of the desertion of the two legions.

² This is the speech known as the third Philippic.

³ Cicero had advocated in the senate on the 1st and following days of January the most uncompromising hostility to Antony, the fullest recognition of Octavian and of the action of the two legions, and of Decimus Brutus. But he could not get his motion passed, the embassy to Antony being voted on the 7th, as a tentative measure before pro- ceeding to extremities.

⁴ Servius Sulpicius Rufus, who died while on the mission in Antony's camp, near Mutina.

⁵ See p.145.

⁶ The Martia and the quarta. See p. 166.

CMVI (F x, 29)

TO APPIUS CLAUDIUS (IN EXILE)

ROME, 6 JULY

OF my zeal for you and your restoration I think you¹ have learnt from the letters of your friends, whom I know for certain that I have satisfied in the most complete manner possible; nor do I yield to them-eminently devoted as they are to you--in my wishes for your safety. They are obliged to yield to me the credit of having at this particular time greater power than they of furthering your recall And this I have never ceased and never will cease to do. I have already to a very great degree succeeded, and have laid the foundations of your restoration. Be sure to keep a good heart and high courage, and trust me not to fail you in anything. July 6.

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¹ If this was the man who joined in the prosecution of Milo (pro Mil. § 59), and once threatened Quintus Cicero with prosecution (vol. i., p. 165), it is difficult to see why Cicero was interested in him. But the changes in these revolutionary times were many and unexpected.

DCCCXXXVIII (F X, 30)

SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA TO CICERO

(AT ROME)

CAMP NEAR MUTINA, 16 APRIL ON the 15th of April, the day on which Pansa was to arrive at the camp of Hirtius, with the former of whom I was--for I had gone along the road a hundred miles to hasten his arrival-Antony brought out two legions, the second and the thirty-fifth, and two praetorian cohorts, one his own and the other that of Silanus, and a party of reservists. He confronted us with such a force because he thought that we had only four legions of recruits. But in the course of the [p. 212] night, in order to enable us to reach the camp in greater safety, Hirtius had sent us the Martian legion--which I usually command--and two praetorian cohorts. As soon as Antony's horsemen came in sight, neither the Martian legion nor the cavalry could be held back. The rest of us were obliged to follow them, as we could not stop them. Antony was keeping his men under cover at Forum Gallorum, and did not wish it to be known that he had the legions. He was allowing none but his cavalry and light-armed men to be seen. When Pansa saw that the legion was advancing in spite of him, he ordered two legions of recruits to follow his lead. As soon as we had got past the narrow ground of marsh and forest, our line was drawn up, consisting of twelve cohorts. The two legions had not yet come up. All on a sudden Antony brought his forces out of the village on to the field, and without waiting charged. At first the fighting was as keen as it was possible for it to be on both sides: although the right wing, on which I was with eight cohorts of the Martian legion, had at the first brush put Antony's thirty-fifth legion to flight, so that it advanced more than five hundred paces beyond the line from its original ground. Accordingly, when the cavalry attempted to outflank our wing, I began to retire and to throw my light-armed troops in the way of the Moorish cavalry, to prevent their charging my men in the rear. Meanwhile, I became conscious that I was between two bodies of Antony's troops, and that Antony was himself some way on my rear. I at once galloped towards the legion of recruits that was on its way up from camp, with my shield slung behind my back. Antony's men set off in pursuit of me; while our own men began pouring in a volley of pila. It was a stroke of good luck that I got safely out of it, for I was soon recognized by our men. On the Aemilian road itself, where Caesar's praetorian cohort was stationed, the fight was protracted. The left wing, being somewhat weak, consisting of two cohorts of the Martian legion and a praetorian cohort, began to give ground, because it was in danger of being outflanked by the cavalry, in which Antony is exceedingly strong. When all our lines had retired, I began retiring myself towards the camp on the extreme rear. Antony, regarding himself as having won the victory, thought that he could capture our [p. 213] camp. But when he reached it he lost a large number of men without accomplishing anything. The news having reached Hirtius, he met Antony as he was returning to his own camp with twenty veteran cohorts, and destroyed or put to flight his whole force, on the same ground as the battle had been fought, namely, at Forum Gallorum. Antony, with his cavalry, reached his camp near Mutina at the fourth hour after sunset. Hirtius returned to the camp, from which Pansa had issued, where he had left the two legions which had been assaulted by Antony. Thus Antony has lost the greater part of his veteran forces. This, however, naturally could not be accomplished without some loss in our praetorian cohorts and the Martian legion. Two eagles and sixty colours of Antony's have been brought in. It is a great victory.

16 April, in camp.

DCCCXXI (F X, 31)

C. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CORDUBA, 16 MARCH

You ought not to think it at all surprising that I have written nothing to you on public affairs since war broke out. For the pass of the Castulonian Mountains, which has always delayed my letter-carriers, though it has now become still more dangerous from the increase of banditti, is yet by no means so grave a hindrance as the parties which, stationed at every available position at both ends, spy out my letter-carriers and detain them. ¹ Accordingly, if I didn't get letters by sea, I should be entirely ignorant of what was going on at Rome. Now, however, having got an opportunity, since navigation has begun, ² I shall write to you with the greatest eagerness and as frequently as I can. There is no danger of my being affected by the conversation of the man, ³ whom [p. 183] --though there is no one who can bear the sight of him-men can yet never hate as much as he deserves. For he is so utterly detestable in my eyes that everything I have to do with him is odious to me. Moreover, my actual disposition and pursuits incline me to desire peace and liberty. Accordingly, I have often bitterly mourned over that first step in the civil war. Since, however, it was impossible for me to be neutral, because I had bitter enemies on both sides, I shunned the camp, in which I knew for certain that I should not be safe from the plots of my personal enemy. ⁴ Being thus compelled to go to the last place to which I desired to go, that I might not be lost in the crowd, I boldly confronted dangers without any hesitation. To Caesar, indeed, who regarded me as one of his oldest friends, though he had not known me until he had reached his own splendid position, I was attached with the utmost devotion and fidelity. What I was permitted to do in harmony with my own opinion I did in such a manner as to procure the warmest approbation of all the best men. When I acted under orders, I did so with so much deliberation and in such a spirit as made it evident that I was an unwilling recipient of the commands. But the wholly undeserved odium roused by my conduct sufficed to teach me the charm of liberty and the wretchedness of life under a tyranny. Accordingly, if the object of the present proceedings is to bring everything once more under the power of a single person, whoever he is, I avow myself his enemy: nor is there any danger which I would shun or deprecate on behalf of liberty. But the consuls have neither by senatorial decree nor by despatch given me any instructions as to what I was to do. For I have only received one despatch from Pansa, and that not till the 15th of March, in which he urges me to write a letter to the senate declaring that I and my army will be at its disposal.. But seeing that Lepidus was making speeches and [p. 184] writing to tell everybody that he was at one with Antony, this was the most awkward possible step for me to take. For by what road was I to lead my legions through his province against his will? Or if I had effected the rest of the journey, could I take wings and fly over the Alps, which are occupied by his force? Add to this the impossibility of a despatch getting through on any terms: for letter-carriers are examined in countless places, and finally are even detained by Lepidus. No one will question the sincerity of my public pronouncement at Corduba, that I would hand over the province to no one who did not arrive with a commission from the senate. For why need I describe the violent controversies I have had about handing over the thirtieth legion? And if I had handed it oyer, who does not know how much less effective in serving the state I was likely to be? For I assure you that it is the most gallant and best fighting legion in existence. Wherefore make up your mind that I am, to begin with a man most strongly in favour of peace--for I am seriously desirous that all citizens should be unmolested--and in the second place one prepared to assert my own and the state's freedom alike. Your admitting my friend into the list of yours is more gratifying to me than you can think: yet I am envious of his walking and jesting with you. You will ask me how much I value that. If ever I am allowed to enjoy leisure you shall find out from experience: for I will never budge a step from your side. One thing does profoundly surprise me--that you have never written to tell me whether I could better serve the Republic by remaining in my province or by leading my army into Italy. For my part, though it is safer and less laborious to remain, yet because I see that at such a crisis there is much more occasion for legions than for provinces (especially such as can be recovered without difficulty) I have resolved, as things are now, to start with my army. For the restt, you will learn everything from my despatch to Pansa, for I am inclosing a copy of it for your perusal. 16 March, Corduba. [p. 185]

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¹ It is not clear whom Pollio means. Lepidus was in possession of the northern province of Spain and of Narbonensis, and might intercept letters coming from the south for Italy that way, and letter-carriers starting from Rome might be stopped nearer the city by Antony or some of his followers.

² Vegetius (Res Mil. 5.9) reckons the close season, during which ordinary navigation was suspended, as from 3rd November to 5th March. But see p. 287.

³ We cannot be sure who is meant. It is evidently some one with Pollio, and not Antony, as has been generally thought, and some one against whom Cicero had warned Pollio. It may be--as has been suggested -his fraudulent quaestor Balbus. See Letter DCCCXCIII.

⁴ There is no means of deciding what particular person Pollio means. We have heard of his prosecuting Gaius Cato (vol. i., p.281); and Quintilian mentions a speech against Labienus. But Pollio was a great orator, and may have prosecuted many persons and thus made enemies.

DCCCXCI (F X, 32)

C. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CORDUBA, 8 JUNE

MY quaestor Balbus ¹ having amassed from the public taxes a large sum of ready money, a great amount of bullion, and a still greater amount of silver, has withdrawn from [p. 295] Gades without even paying the soldiers, and after being detained three days off Calpe by bad weather, on the 1st of June crossed into the kingdom of Bogudes, ² with a very pretty bit of money in his pocket. With the rumours now going about I don't yet know whether he intends to return to Gades or to go to Rome--for at every fresh piece of news he changes his plans in the most contemptible manner. But besides his peculations and violent robberies and flogging of allies, he has done the following--as he is himself accustomed to boast--in imitation of Caesar. At the games which he gave at Gades, on the last day of the show, he presented the actor Herennius Gallus with a gold ring and formally conducted him to a seat in the fourteen rows ³ --for he had arranged that number of rows for men of equestrian rank. He also caused his office as one of the quattuorviri ⁴ to be continued beyond the year: he held elections for two years in two following days, that is, he declared whom he chose elected: he recalled exiles, not those of recent times, but of that period in which the senate was massacred or expelled by rebels in the proconsulship of Sextus Varus. ⁵ The next thing, at any rate, is not covered by a precedent of Caesar's: he put on the stage a "Roman drama" representing his own expedition to solicit the proconsul Lucius Lentulus, and, what is more, whilst it was being acted he burst into tears, affected by the memory of his own adventures. ⁶ At the [p. 296] gladiatorial Contests, moreover, there was the case of the old Pompeian soldier named Fadius. Because this man, having been pressed into the gladiatorial school, and having fought twice without pay, refused to bind himself as a professional gladiator, and threw himself on the protection of the people, he first of all sent a squadron of Gallic horse to charge the people--for stones were thrown at him as Fadius was being dragged off--and then, having seized him, he half buried him in the school and burnt him alive. While this was being done he walked about after dinner without his boots, ⁷ with tunic ungirdled, and his hands behind his back, and in answer to the unhappy man crying out " I am a born Roman citizen," he replied: "Off with you then, and appeal to the people " ⁸ He also exposed Roman citizens to the beasts, among them a certain travelling pedlar--a very well-known character at Hispalis from his misshapen body. This is the kind of monster with whom I have had to deal. But more about him when we meet. For the present the important thing is to make up your minds what you want me to do. I have three strong legions, one of which--the twenty-eighth-Antonius tried to get to join him by promising that on the day it arrived in camp he would give each soldier 500 denarii, ⁹ and the same bounty in case of victory as to his own legions. And of such bounties who thinks that there will be any limit or end ?-Nevertheless I have managed to retain it though in a most restless state: nor should I have retained it, if I had kept it united and stationary, for certain cohorts have actually mutinied. My other legions also he has not ceased to solicit by letters and unlimited promises. Nor, indeed, has Lepidus been less urgent with me--in letters of his own and from Antony--to send them the [p. 297] thirtieth legion. So the army which I have refused to part with at any price, or to weaken from fear of the dangers portended in case they were victorious, you ought to consider to have been retained and preserved for the Republic, and to believe that I was prepared to obey any future commands of yours, since I have obeyed those which you have given. For I have kept my province in peace and my army under my own control: I have not quitted the borders of my province in any direction: I have not despatched a single soldier anywhere-not only of the legions, but even of the auxiliaries; and such of the cavalry as I have detected in trying to get out of the country I have punished. For these acts I shall think myself sufficiently rewarded if the Republic is safe. But if the Republic and the majority of the senate had known me as well as they ought, they would have got greater advantages out of me. A despatch which I have addressed to Balbus, since he is at this moment in the province, I am sending for your perusal. Also if you will care to read a "Roman drama," ¹⁰ ask my friend Cornelius Gallus ¹¹ for it. Corduba, 8 June.

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¹ Balbus the younger, nephew of Cicero's client. He had been a warm Caesarian. See vol. ii., p.201.

² Mauretania Tingitana (Tangiers). Bogudes or Bogud was a supporter of the Caesarians.

³ That is, he made him an eques. Fourteen rows in the theatres, even in the provinces, were reserved for equites, in accordance with the lex Roscia. The gold ring had been the special mark of equites since some period before the Punic wars. Once it had been confined to senators going abroad on missions, and under the empire it was used by all ingenui. The reference to the action of Iulius Caesar is to his treatment of Decimus Laberius (see Suet. Iul. 39), who played his own mime: donatusque L sestertiis et anulo aureo in quattuordecim e scaena per orchestram transiit. But Suetonius infers that Laberius was an eques already.

⁴ The magistrates of Gades, as a municipium, were quattuorviri. The Balbi were natives of Gades, and he no doubt, being in Spain, had as a favour to his town accepted the office, though he was a Roman quaestor. See the case of Cicero's son at Arpinum, vol. iii., p 63.

⁵ B.C. 56. Sextus Quintilius Varus was praetor in B.C 57.

⁶ The story is told by Velleius Paterculus (ii. 51) how Balbus," with a daring almost passing belief," made his way into Pompey's camp at Dyrrachium, and tried to persuade Lentulus (consul B.C. 49) to desert to Caesar.

⁷ The calcei were taken off before dinner in the house and slippers put on-called soleae or gallicae (see Phil. 2.76). So the story of Caesar's emotion at hearing of Octavius's illness. He was at dinner, and springing up went to the house anupodêtos, i.e., nudis pedibus, with his dinner-slippers on.

⁸ The brutality is pointed by the wretched man being half-buried and unable to stir.

⁹ About £20.

¹⁰ Praetexta, sc. fabula, as above. A drama on Roman subjects as opposed to the palliata, a play from the Greek. We know from Horace (Od. 2.1) that Pollio, among other literary accomplishments, was a dramatic writer.

¹¹ The poet (B.C. 66-26), the friend of Augustus, first governor of Egypt, who killed himself when he fell into disfavour. His elegiac poems--which Ovid thought the best existing in his time (Tr. 4.10, 5)--have perished.

DCCCLXXXVI (F X, 33)

C. ASINIUS POLLIO TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CORDUBA (MAY-JUNE)

IF you are well, I am glad. I am also well. Lepidus caused me to be later than I should have been in receiving intelligence of the battles fought near Mutina, for he detained my letter-carriers for nine days. However, it is almost a thing to be desired, that one should be as late as possible in hearing of such a calamity to the Republic, especially for those who can do no good or offer any cure for it. And oh! that by the same decree by which you summoned Plancus and Lepidus into Italy, you had also ordered me to come! Assuredly the Republic would not have sustained this blow. At which, if certain persons rejoice for the moment, because both officers and veterans of Caesar's party appear to have perished, it is yet inevitable that they will presently have cause to mourn, when they contemplate the havoc of Italy. For the flower and main stock of our soldiers have been destroyed, if at least the news reaching me is in any degree true. Nor do I fail to perceive of how [p. 287] much service to the Republic I was likely to have been, had I come to Lepidus: for I should have dispelled all his hesitation, especially with the aid of Plancus. But it was clearly necessary for me to smooth down a man who writes me the sort of letter which I inclose for your perusal, exactly in the same tone as the harangues which he is said to have delivered at Narbo, ¹ if I wished to have any provisions during a march through his province. Besides I was afraid, if the battle took place before I had accomplished my purpose, that my detractors would put an exactly opposite interpretation on my patriotic design on account of my friendship with Antony, which after all was not greater than that with Plancus. Therefore in April having embarked two letter-carriers on two separate ships at Gades, I wrote to you and the consuls and Octavian, requesting to be informed how I could do the best service to the Republic. But, as I calculate the time, the ships started from Gades on the very day on which Pansa fought his battle : ² for that was the first day since the winter that navigation was possible. And by heaven, being far from any suspicion of the coming civil outbreak, ³ I had put the legions into winter quarters in remote parts of Lusitania. Moreover, both sides were in such a hurry to fight, as though they were afraid of the war being settled without the greatest possible damage to the Republic. However, if such haste was necessary, I perceive that the strategy of Hirtius was in all respects that of a consummate general. At present I have the following news from Lepidus's district of Gaul ⁴ by letter and messengers: that Pansa's army has been cut to pieces; that Pansa has died of his wounds: that in the same battle the Martian legion was annihilated, and L. Tabatus, Gaius Peducaeus, and Decimus Carfulenus killed: that in the battle fought by [p. 288] Hirtius ⁵ both the fourth legion and all Antony's alike were cut to pieces, as well as those of Hirtius; that the fourth, indeed, after also capturing Antony's camp were annihilated by the fifth: that there Hirtius also and Pontius Aquila perished: that Octavian also is said to have fallen--for this if true, which God forbid! ⁶ I am exceedingly grieved: that Antony has abandoned the siege of Mutina with disgrace, but has 5,000 cavalry, three legions fully armed and organized, ⁷ and one commanded by Publius Bagiennus: ⁸ that Ventidius also with the seventh, eighth, and ninth legions has effected a junction with him: and that if Antony finds nothing to hope for from Lepidus, he will have recourse to extreme measures, and raise not only the native tribes, but also the slaves: that Parma has been sacked: ⁹ that L. Antonius has occupied the pass of the Alps. very doubtful whether this military organization of the equites existed at this time in reality. It was elaborated by Augustus some years later. Now if these things are true, not one of us ought to be idle or wait for a decree from the senate. For the situation forces all to aid in quenching such a dreadful conflagration, who wish the Empire, or in fact the very name, of the Roman people, to survive. For I hear that Decimus Brutus has only seventeen cohorts, and two weak legions of recruits, which Antony had enrolled. However, I have no doubt the survivors of Hirtius's army are all flocking to him. For I don't think there is much hope in a levy, especially as, nothing can be more risky than that Antony should have time given him for concentration. The season of the year too gives me more freedom of action, because the corn is by this [p. 289] time in the fields ¹⁰ or in the farmhouses. Therefore in my next letter my plans shall be explained: for I do not wish to fail in duty to or to survive the Republic. However, what vexes me most is the length and dangerous nature of the journey to my quarters, the result of which is that no news reaches me till the fortieth day after the event, or even later.

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¹ See p.240.

² April 15th, at Forum Gallorum. See p.182.

³ He uses the constitutional word tumultus, which was properly applied to civil war within the borders of Italy as opposed to bellum, a foreign war: though the latter is frequently used of it by Cicero and others, partly because the distinction is not observed in ordinary language, and partly ad invidiam, Antony having been declared a hostis. Pollio's having no suspicion of what was coming is a little too innocent. He was, in fact, at heart a Caesarian, and an opponent of Cicero.

⁴ Lepidus was governor of Northern Spain and Gallia Narbonensis.

⁵ He seems to confuse the afternoon battle at Forum Gallorum by Hirtius, after Pansa's repulse, with the battle fought in the assault on Antony's camp near Mutina, a week after that at Forum Gallorum (April 15th-21st).

⁶ Perhaps this parenthesis was inserted when the letters were edited. The mixture of truth and inaccuracy in the war news reaching Pollio will seem very natural to us in these days (1899-1900).

⁷ Lit. "under standards," i.e., when the several cohorts and maniples were still under their proper standards, and the men not crowded together indiscriminately, as would be the case in a beaten and disorganized legion.

⁸ This name is very uncertain. The MSS. have pupilli Bagienni. It seems likely that a legion raised among the Bagienni living near the source of the Po is meant. "Publius the Bagiennian" may be the commander of it--a Romanized native.

⁹ See p.222.

¹⁰ That is, cut and stacked in the fields, and therefore he can get plenty without trouble.

DCCCLXV (F X, 34, §§ I, 2)

M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

PONS ARGENTEUS (18 MAY)

If you are well, I am glad. I am well. Having been informed that Antony, after sending Lucius Antonius in advance with a detachment of his cavalry, was coming with his forces into my province, I moved with my army from the confluence of the Rhone ¹ and determined to oppose them. Accordingly, I have come by daily marches to Forum Voconii, ² and to the east of that town I have pitched a camp on the river Argens opposite the Antonians. Publius Ventidius has united his three legions with him and has pitched a camp still farther to the east. Antony had before this junction the fifth legion, and a large number of men drawn from the other legions, but without arms. He has a large force of cavalry: for it got away after the battle without loss, so that there are more than five thousand troopers. A large number of infantry and cavalry have deserted to me from him, and his force is shrinking every day. Silanus and Culleo have abandoned him. ³ Although they had done me a serious wrong in [p. 258] having joined Antony contrary to my wish, yet for kindness' sake, and in view of our close connexion, I have granted them their lives, but I am not employing them, nor allowing them to remain in camp, and I have not given them any command. As far as this war is concerned, I shall not be wanting in my duty to the senate nor to the Republic. I will keep you acquainted with my future proceedings. ⁴

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¹ The confluence of the Rhone and the Durance, near Avignon.

² A station on the via Aurelia, but its exact site is uncertain. Mr. Hall (The Romans on the Riviera, p.183) places it in the territory of le Luc, twenty-four Roman miles west of Fréjus.

³ M. Iunius Silanus was a son of Servilia by her second husband, D. Iunius Silanus, and therefore half-brother of Marcus Brutus and brother-in-law of Lepidus. He commanded the praetorian cohort in Antony's army, and fought at Mutina. He survived to be consul in B.C. 25. His connexion with Lepidus no doubt caused his present move. According to Dio (46, 38), he had been sent by Lepidus to assist Decimus at Mutina with the secret understanding that he was to do nothing. Q. Terentius Culleo--mentioned once or twice before-must have been a rather lukewarm Caesarian (see vol. i., p. 162; vol. ii., p.301). Lepidus had, however, stationed him on the pass over the Maritime Alps--the Riviera--but probably by connivance of Lepidus himself he

⁴ On the 29th of May Lepidus joined Antony.

DCCCLXXXI (F x, 35)

M. AEMILIUS LEPIDUS TO THE MAGISTRATES

AND SENATE

PONS ARGENTEUS, 30 MAY M. Lepidus, second time imperator, Pontifex Maximus, greets the praetors, tribunes, the senate, populace, and plebs of Rome. ¹

If you and your children are well, I am glad. I and my army are well. I call gods and men to witness, fathers of the senate, what my feelings and sentiments have ever been towards the Republic, and how I have thought nothing of more importance than the common safety and liberty. And this I should shortly have demonstrated to you, had not fortune snatched from me the power of following my own policy. For my whole army broke out into a mutiny, by way of retaining its traditional principle of preserving fellow citizens and the general peace, and--to confess the truth-compelled me to undertake to defend the lives and civil rights of so large a number of Roman citizens. And in regard to this matter, I beg and beseech you, fathers of the senate, to forget private quarrels and to consult for the highest interests of the Republic, and not to regard the [p. 282] compassionate feelings of myself and my army in the light of a crime. But if you take the lives and political position of all into consideration, you will consult better for yourselves and the Republic.

30 May, from Pons Argenteus.

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¹ This was written on the day after Lepidus consummated his treason by joining Antony. For the titles of Lepidus, see p.265.