Cicero’s Letters to his Friends, Book 11 (11.1 missing)
Translated by Evelyn Shuckburgh
DCCXXXVII (F XI, 2)
BRUTUS AND CASSIUS TO M. ANTONIUS (AT ROME)
LANUVIUM (LATE IN MAY)
Brutus and Cassius, praetors, to M. Antonius, consul. If we had not been convinced of your honour and kind feeling to ourselves, we should not have written this letter to you. And this being the state of your mind, you will, we feel sure, receive it with all possible favour. Our correspondents inform us that a crowd of veterans has already collected at [p. 64] Rome, and that there will be a much greater one there by the 1st of June. 1 If we entertained any doubt or fear of you, we should be untrue to ourselves. But since we have put ourselves in your hands, and under your advice have dismissed our friends from the country towns, and done so by a circular letter as well as by an edict, we have a claim to be admitted to your confidence, especially in a matter which touches ourselves.
Wherefore we beg you to let us know what your feeling towards us is: whether you think that we shall be safe in the midst of such a crowd of veteran soldiers, who, we hear, even think of replacing the altar. 2 That is a thing which we think that hardly anyone can wish or approve, who desires our safety and honour. The result shews clearly that our aim from the first was peace, and that we have had no other object than the liberty of all. No one can beguile us except yourself, and that is a course of conduct quite alien to your virtue and honour. But no one else has the means of deceiving us: for it is you alone that we have trusted and intend to trust. Our friends are disturbed by a very great alarm on our account. For though they have every confidence in your good faith, they yet cannot help reflecting that the crowd of veteran soldiers can be more easily moved by others in any particular direction, than they can be held back by you. We ask you to write back and explain everything. For the suggestion that notice has been given to the veterans to appear, because you intended to bring in a law about their pensions in June, is wholly inadequate and meaningless. For whom do you think likely to hinder it, since in regard to ourselves we have made up our minds to do nothing whatever? We ought not to be thought by anyone too greedy of life, since nothing can happen to us without general disaster and confusion. [p. 65]
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1 See pp. 48, 90, for Antony's picked guard.
2 The altar and column erected by the pseudo-Marius in the forum on the spot where Caesar's body had been burnt. Dolabella had removed it. See pp.33, 35, 40.
DCCLXXIX (F XI, 3)
M. BRUTUS AND C. CASSIUS TO M. ANTONIUS
THE CONSUL
NAPLES, 4 AUGUST If you are well, we are glad. We have perused a letter from you very closely corresponding to your edict-insulting, threatening, and not at all such as should have been addressed to us by you. We have not, Antonius, used any words of insult to you, nor did we suppose that you would be surprised if as praetors and men of such rank we had demanded in an edict something of a consul. But if you feel indignation at our having ventured to do so, at least allow us to feel aggrieved that even this much is refused by you to a Brutus and a Cassius. For as to the holding of levies and demanding money contributions, tampering with armies and sending couriers across sea--of which you say that you have not complained--we of course believe that your action has been dictated by the best motives. Nevertheless, we do not acknowledge any one of these allegations, and we feel surprised that, after restraining your tongue on these matters, you have not been able to refrain from taunting us in your anger with the death of Caesar. Rather consider yourself how intolerable it is that praetors are not allowed for the sake of peace and liberty to announce in an edict that they waive their rights, without the consul threatening them with armed violence. By relying on arms you cannot daunt us: for it is neither right nor fitting for us to allow our courage to be overborne by any danger, nor ought Antonius to expect to tyrannize over those by whose action he is a free man. If other [p. 119] considerations impelled us to wish for a civil war, your letter would not have had any effect upon the question: for words of menace have no weight with free men. But you know full well that we cannot be driven in any direction, and perhaps you use menaces in that matter to give what is the result of our deliberate judgment the appearance of fear. Our feeling is that, while we desire you to have a great and honourable position in a free state, and do not challenge you to any quarrel, we yet value our liberty higher than your friendship. Consider again and again what you are taking upon yourself, what you are capable of maintaining, and be careful to consider not how long Caesar lived, but how long he reigned. We pray the gods that your designs may be for the safety of the Republic; if not, we hope that they may damage your-self as little as is consistent with its safety and honour.
4 August.
DCCXCIII (F XI, 4)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT PUTEOLI)
GALLIA CISALPINA (1 NOVEMBER)
Decimus Brutus, imperator, 1 consul-designate, sends regards to Marcus Cicero. If I had had any doubt about your friendly feeling towards myself, I should have begged you at great length to defend my political position. But I [p. 145] am, in fact, convinced that you are earnest On my behalf. I went on an expedition against the Alpine tribes, not so much because I aimed at the title of imperator, as from a wish to content my soldiers and to render them efficient for supporting our policy. And this, I think, I have accomplished; for they have had practical proof both of my open-handed disposition and of my courage. I fought with the most warlike tribes in the country: I took numerous strong places, and laid waste a wide stretch of country. I had good grounds for sending my despatch to the senate. Assist us by your senatorial support: in doing so you will to a great degree be serving the interests of the state.
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1 For this title see vol. ii., p. 80. It implies that Decimus Brutus had been so greeted by his soldiers in some battle against the Gallic tribes--presumably during the campaign described in this letter in the Alpine district. The aristocratic party at Rome were not pleased at his proceedings, and thought that he should have reserved his forces to oppose Antony. He partly meets that objection, of which no doubt he had heard, by suggesting that his men had gained a training in this campaign which made them better fitted to oppose Antony's party. His real successes were probably unimportant. They are not recorded elsewhere.
DCCCVI (F XI, 5)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (IN CISALPINE GAUL)
ROME (DECEMBER)
MARCUS CICERO to Decimus Brutus, imperator, consul-designate. At the time that our common friend Lupus reached Rome, and during his few days' residence there, I was in the part of the country in which I thought I should be safest. That was the reason of Lupus returning to you without a letter from me, though he had nevertheless seen to yours being conveyed to me. I arrived at Rome, however, on the 9th of December, and my first object was an immediate visit to Pansa. His report of you was everything I could desire. Wherefore you require no encouragement, since in the execution of that great deed-surely the greatest known to history-you required none. Yet I think I ought briefly to point out that the Roman people looks entirely to you, and places on you its whole hope of eventually recovering its liberty. If you--as I am sure is the case-remember day and night how great a deed you have done, you certainly will not forget what great ones remain for you to do. For if the man now gets hold of your province--a man with whom I was always on friendly terms till I found that he was not only openly at war with the Republic, but glad to be so--I can see no hope of safety left. Wherefore I join my prayers to those of the people and senate of Rome, beseeching you to free the Republic from a tyrannical despotism, in order that you may end as you began. This is your task, this the part you have to play. It is from you that the state or rather all nations of the world-not only expect this, but even demand it. Since, however, as I said above, you do not need encouragement, I will not waste many words upon it. I will do no more than promise you--as in duty bound--all my services, zeal, care, and thought, which will henceforth be devoted to enhancing your fame and glory. Therefore pray convince yourself of this: not only for the sake of the [p. 164] Republic, which is dearer to me than life itself, but also because I am devoted to you personally and desire the farther improvement of your political position, I will nowhere fail to support your loyal policy, your greatness, or your glory.
DCCCIX (F XI, 6)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT MUTINA)
ROME, 20 DECEMBER
OUR friend Lupus, having reached Rome on the sixth day from Mutina, came to call on me next morning and delivered your message to me in the most explicit terms and gave me your letter. When you commend the defence of your political position to me, I regard you as at the same time commending to me my own, which, by heaven, I do not regard as dearer to me than yours. Wherefore you will be doing me the greatest favour, if you will regard it as a settled thing that no counsel or zeal on my part will ever be wanting in the promotion of your reputation. The tribunes of the plebs having given notice of a meeting of the senate for the 20th of December, and designing to make a proposal for [p. 167] the protection of the consuls-designate, though I had resolved not to attend the senate before the 1st of January, yet as your edict also was put up on that same day, I thought that it would be shocking either that a meeting of the senate should be held without any mention being made of your brilliant services to the Republic--which would have been the case had I been absent--or that, if anything complimentary to you were said, I should not be there to support it. Accordingly, I went to the senate early, and when that was observed there was a very full house. The motion I made in regard to you in the senate, and the speech I made in a very crowded public meeting, I should prefer your learning from the letters of others. 1 Pray make up your mind that I will ever undertake and support with the greatest zeal every measure tending to enhance your political position, splendid as it already is in itself. I know that I shall have many companions in that policy, yet I shall aim at taking the lead in it. [p. 168]
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1 The speech delivered by Cicero in the senate is that known as the third Philippic, the speech in the public meeting as the fourth Philippic. The speech in the senate ended with a series of resolutions, or rather a resolution in several heads (§§ 37-39):
•
(1) C. Pansa and A. Hirtius, the consuls-designate, are authorized to provide for the protection of the senate on the 1st of January.
•
(2) In regard to the edict of Brutus his services are to be commended, and he-like the other governors--is to hold his province for the full term of his appointment by the lex Iulia, and until successors are named by the senate.
•
(3) The action of Octavian (whom he now calls Gaius Caesar) in raising the veterans is to be commended, and also that of the Martian and fourth legions, as done in the defence of senate and people.
See also Dio 45, 19, sq.
DCCCVIII (F XI, 7)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (IN CISALPINE GAUL)
ROME, 19 DECEMBER
LUPUS having brought both Libo and your cousin Servius to see me at my town house, I think that you will have learnt from Marcus Seius, who was present at our conversation, what opinion I expressed. The rest you will be able to learn from Graeceius, though he did stay long behind Seius. But the head and front of it all is that I wish you most carefully to notice and to remember that you must not wait to be authorized by the senate in preserving the safety of the Roman people, for the senate is not yet free. If you do so, in the first place you condemn your own action, for you freed the Republic without any public authority--which makes it still more glorious-and, in the second place, you decide that this young man, or rather this boy, Caesar has acted without justification in having assumed such a grave public responsibility on his own initiative. Lastly, you convict of madness those who are indeed rustics, but yet are most [p. 166] gallant soldiers and loyal citizens 1 --in the first place veterans who have served with you of old, and in the next place the Martian and the fourth legions, 2 which have adjudged their own consul to be a public enemy and have transferred their services to the support of the safety of the Republic. The wishes of the senate must be regarded as its authorization, since that authorization is prevented by fear. Lastly, you have now twice espoused this cause: first on the Ides of March, and again recently by collecting a new army and new forces. Wherefore you ought to be prepared for everything, and inspired with the resolution not to decline doing anything without instructions, but to do what will secure universal praise and the greatest admiration.
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1 Caesar's veterans, who had been settled in Campania. See p.145.
2 The legio Martia and the quarta were brought over by Antony from Macedonia to Brundisium, and ordered to march up the coast to Ariminum. But they left that road and marched along the via Minucia to Alba Fucensis. There they repelled Antony's agents and declared in favour of Octavian (Livy, Ep. 117; Cicero, 3 Phil. §§ 6-7).
DCCCXIII (F XI, 8)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT MUTINA)
ROME (JANUARY)
Your wife Paulla 1 sent a message asking me "whether I had anything to send to you," at a time when I had nothing particular to say. For everything is in a state of suspense because we are waiting for the return of the ambassadors, 2 of whose success there is as yet no news. However, I thought I ought to write and tell you this much: the senate and people of Rome are very anxious about you, not merely for the sake of their own security, but also for that of your political position. In fact the affection in which your name is held is remarkable, and the love of all the citizens for you is unparalleled. For they rest great hopes in you, and feel confident that as you formerly freed the Republic from a tyrant you will now free it from a tyranny. A levy is being held in Rome and throughout Italy, if it is to be called a levy, when all offer themselves spontaneously. Such is the enthusiasm which has taken possession of men's minds from a yearning for liberty and a loathing for their long-continued slavery. On other matters we ought by this time to be expecting a despatch from you telling us what you and our friend Hirtius are doing, and my dear Caesar, both of whom I hope will be before long united to you in the fellowship of victory. All that remains for me to say is what I prefer your learning from the letters of your family, as I hope you do--that I am not failing in any particular to support your position, and will never do so. [p. 173]
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1 Paulla Valeria, whom he here calls Polla (cp. Claudius and Clodius). See vol. ii., p. 116: Fam. 8.7.For her brother Triarius, see vol. iii., p.221.
2 Those sent to Antony while encamped before Mutina. This measure had been proposed on the 1st ofJanuary, but successfully resisted by Cicero (fifth Philippic): it was, however, carried on the 6th, and Servius Sulpicius, L. Piso, and L. Philippus were despatched. Servius Sulpicius died in the course of the negotiations, and the other two brought back a very uncompromising answer. See the eighth Philippic.
DCCCXLIV (F XI, 9)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
REGIUM LEPIDI, 29 APRIL
WHAT a loss the Republic has sustained by the death of Pansa you must be well aware. In these circumstances you must use your influence and foresight to prevent our opponents hoping to regain their strength now that the consuls have been removed. I will take care that Antony is unable to keep any footing in Italy. I am following him in hot haste. I hope that I shall secure two things--that Ventidius does not slip past me 1 nor Antony remain in Italy. I specially beg you to send instructions to that shiftiest of men Lepidus, that he may not be in a position to renew the war against me if Antony effects a [p. 222] junction with him. For as to Asinius Pollio, I think you are quite clear as to what he will do. The legions of Lepidus and Asinius are numerous, good, and strong. And I don't write this to you because I know that the same facts escape your notice, but because I am most thoroughly convinced that Lepidus will never go straight-should you by chance have any doubt on that point! I beg you also to keep Plancus up to the mark, who will--I hope-stick to the Republic now that Antony has been defeated. If Antony has got himself across the Alps, I have resolved to station a force on the Alps and to keep you informed of everything.
29 April, in camp at Regium. 2
[The next day's march of Decimus Brutus ended at Parma. There he found that Antony had been some days before him, and had plundered the town to supply his army. Two words of a despatch from Parma--Parmenses miserrimos, "Oh most wretched people of Parma "--are preserved and numbered in some editions Fam. 11.13b. See p.288; Phil. 14.9.]
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1 See ante, p. 218. Ventidius Bassus, as we have seen, did get past Decimus and join Antony.
2 Regium Lepidi, mod. Reggio, on the Aemi1ian road between Mutina and Parma.
DCCCL (F XI, 10)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
DERTONA, 5 MAY
I DO not think that the Republic owes me more than I owe you. You have good assurance of my being capable of greater gratitude to you than those misguided persons shew me: and that if after all my words seem to be dictated by the exigencies of the hour, I prefer your approval to that of all those people on the other side. For your judgment of us proceeds from an independent and sincere feeling: they are debarred from that by malice and jealousy. Let them interpose to prevent my receiving marks of honour, so long as they do not prevent the public service being properly conducted by me. The extreme danger in which that now stands I will explain as briefly as I can. To begin with, you cannot fail to observe what a confusion in city business is caused by the death of the consuls, and how much ambition this vacancy in the office inspires in men. I think I have written as much as can be committed to paper. For I know to whom I am writing. I now return to Antony, who, though when he fled he had only a handful of unarmed infantry, seems, by breaking open slave-barracks and requisitioning [p. 230] every kind of human being, to have made up a very Considerable number. To this has been added the force of Ventidius, which after accomplishing a difficult march across the Apennines has reached Vada and has there affected a junction with Antony. There is a very considerable number of veterans and fully armed soldiers with Ventidius. Antony's plan of campaign must certainly be either to join Lepidus, if Lepidus will have him; or to keep behind the lines of the Apennines and Alps, and to lay waste the district which he has invaded by sending out parties of cavalry, of which he has large numbers; or to draw back into Etruria, since that part of Italy has no army in it. But if Caesar had listened to me and crossed the Apennines, I should have reduced Antony to such straits, that he would have been ruined by failure of provisions rather than by the sword. But neither can anyone control Caesar, nor can Caesar control his own army-both most disastrous facts. These things being so, I won't hinder anybody, as far as I am concerned, from interposing, as I said before. It alarms me to think how these difficulties are to be removed, and, when they are removed by you, of the fresh hindrances that may intervene. I am already unable to feed and pay my men. When I undertook the task of freeing the Republic I had more than 40,000 sestertia 1 in money. So far from any part of my private property remaining unencumbered, I have by this time loaded all my friends with debt. I am now supporting a force amounting to seven legions, you can imagine with what difficulty. Not if I had all the treasures of Varro, 2 could I stand the expense. As soon as I have any certain information about Antony I will let you know. Pray continue to love me with the assurance that I entertain the same feeling for you.
5 May, in camp, Dertona. [p. 231]
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1 About £320,000.
2 M. Terentius Varro was not a particularly rich man, or at any rate not sufficiently so to be proverbial. But he wrote a book de divitiis, in which he may have told the story of Crassus saying that no one was rich till he could keep a legion on the interest of his capital (Pliny, N. H. 33, § 134). Another suggestion is that it refers to some character in one of Varro's plays.
DCCCLI (F XI, 11)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
STATIELLAE,
1 6 MAY DECIMUS BRUTUS, imperator, consul-designate, salutes Marcus Cicero. I have received a letter from you which is a duplicate of that brought by my own servants. I consider that I owe you a debt that it is difficult to repay. I write to tell you what is going on here. Antony is on the march his object is to reach Lepidus. He hasn't given up hope even of Plancus yet, as I gather from some of his papers which have fallen into my hands, in which he noted the names of the men he was sending to Asinius, to Lepidus, to Plancus. I, however, did not hesitate what to do. I at once sent messengers to Plancus, and in the course of a couple of days I expect ambassadors from the Allobroges and the whole of Gaul, whom I shall encourage to remain loyal and shall send home again. Pray make provision for all necessary measures at Rome, that they may be conducted as you would wish them to be, and with advantage to the Republic. People's malice against me pray frustrate if you can. If you can't, console yourself with the reflexion that they cannot move me from the position I have taken up by any amount of abuse.
6 May, in camp, in the district of Statiellae. [p. 232]
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1 The pass-still a mere mule track-leads from Dertona down to Vadu by the medicinal springs called Aquae Statiellae (mod. Acqui). Antony had got his cavalry and other troops through with great energy.
DCCCLIX (F XI, 12)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (NEAR POLLENTIA)
ROME (BETWEEN 14 AND 19 MAY)
I have received three letters from you on the same day: one a short one which you had intrusted to Volumnius Flaccus; two of greater length, one of which the letter-carrier of Titus Vibius brought, the other was forwarded to me by Lupus. To judge from your letters and from what Graeceius says, the war, so far from being extinguished, i& hotter than ever. However, I feel sure that your eminent wisdom makes it clear to you that, if Antony gets any firm foothold, all those brilliant services of yours to the state will come to nothing. For the news that reached Rome, and what everybody believed, was that Antony had fled with a small body of men, who were without arms, panic-stricken, and utterly demoralized. But if he is in such a position, as Graeceius tells me, that he cannot be offered battle without risk, he appears to me not to have fled from Mutina, but merely to have changed the seat of war. Accordingly, there is a general revulsion of feeling. Some people even grumble at your not having pursued him: they think that he might have been crushed if expeditious measures had been taken. It is ever the way with a populace, and above all with that of Rome--they vent their freedom without restraint on the very man who secured it for them. All the same, we must take care that there is no just cause of complaint. The fact is this: that man will have finished the war, who has crushed Antony. The point of that remark I would rather leave you to grasp than express it more openly myself. [p. 243]
DCCCLV (F XI, 13, §§ 1-4)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
POLLENTIA (12 MAY)
I am not going to thank you any more; for when one can make a man no return in deeds, it is impossible to satisfy his just claims by mere words. I want you to notice what I have on my hands. For your insight is so great that you will take in the whole situation, if you read my letter with care. I was unable, my dear Cicero, to pursue Antony at once for the following reasons. I had no cavalry, no transport animals; I did not know that Hirtius was dead; I did not know that Aquila was dead; I couldn't put any confidence in Caesar without first visiting and holding a conversation with him. So passed the first day. Next day early I was summoned by Pansa to Bononia. While I was on the way news was brought to me that he was dead. I hurried back to my poor little force--for I can call it so with truth. It was most woefully reduced and in the very worst condition from want of every kind of necessary. Antony thus got two days start of me. He made much longer marches, as being in retreat, than I could in pursuit. For he marched in loose [p. 237] order, I in close. Wherever he came he broke open the slave-barracks and forcibly requisitioned the men. He never made any halt anywhere till he reached Vada. 1 I would like you to know about this place. It lies between the Apennines and the Alps, very difficult to reach by a march. When I was thirty miles from it, and when Ventidius had already effected a junction with him, a public speech delivered by Antony was reported to me, in which he began entreating his men to follow him across the Alps, telling them that he had an understanding with Marcus Lepidus. There was some murmuring, and from a good many of Ventidius's men--for Antony has very few of his own--that it was their duty to perish or conquer in Italy; and they began begging him to allow them to march to Pollentia. Not being able to withstand them, he arranged to begin his march the next day. When I received this intelligence I at once sent forward five cohorts to Pollentia and directed my march to that place. My advanced guard arrived at Pollentia an hour before Trebellius with his cavalry. 2 I was greatly delighted: for I think that this constitutes a victory. ... 3
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1 See p.231.
2 There is no doubt that Decimus Brutus was completely outmanoeuvred. Antony's despatch of cavalry to Pollentia was a feint to draw Decimus Brutus away from the road to Vada, and he fell into the trap.
3 The end of the letter is lost.
DCCCXCV (F XI, 13, §§ 4 AND 5)
[DECIMUS BRUTUS AND L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO THE SENATE AND MAGISTRATES]
(CULARO, ABOUT 9 JUNE)
...they had hoped,1 because they neither thought that the four legions of Plancus were a match for their forces, nor believed that an army could be brought across the Alps from Italy with such speed. Yet the Allobroges themselves with the whole body of cavalry--sent forward by us with that express purpose--have been able to hold them in check up to now in a confident manner enough: and when we arrive we feel sure that they will be still more easily held up. [p. 304] Nevertheless, if they have by any chance crossed the Isara, we shall take the greatest care to prevent loss to the public service. We would have you be of high courage and entertain the best hopes of the public safety, since you see our armies united in complete sympathy and prepared for any and every service on your behalf. Nevertheless you must not relax in your earnest attention, and you must do your best to enable us in defence of your safety to confront, in the highest state of preparation both as to men and other necessaries, the utterly abominable combination of our enemies, who have in fact suddenly converted the forces, which they had long been collecting under pretence of serving the state, to the purpose of endangering their country.
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1 Writing on the 6th of June, Plancus said that he expected to be joined by Decimus Brutus in three days (see p.293). This fragment of a despatch appears in the MSS. at the end of Letter DCCCLXV, but cannot belong there, as it refers to a wholly different state of things. Its ascription to Decimus Brutus and Plancus is a conjecture, but an easy one. The date is less certain, that is, within a few days, more or less. It could not be earlier than the 9th, but might easily be ten days later.
DCCCLXXXII (F XI, 14)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT EPOREDIA)
ROME (MAY, LATE)
I am wonderfully pleased, my dear Brutus, that you approve of my policy and sentiments about the decemvirs, and about complimenting the young man. But what does it matter? Believe me--a man not given to brag--I am now, Brutus, quite in the cold shade. For my weapon was the senate: that has now gone to pieces. Your splendid breaking out from Mutina, and the flight of Antony after his army had been cut to pieces, had given us such a bright hope of certain victory, that the spirits of all have begun to flag, and those old fiery contests of mine seem to be, as it were, a mere fighting with shadows. But to return to business. People who know them say that the Martia and the fourth legion cannot by any persuasion whatever be brought over to you. 1 As to the money you want, some means can be taken for that, and shall be taken. About summoning Marcus Brutus and keeping Caesar to protect Italy, I agree with you. But, as you say, you have some detractors. I have no difficulty in rebutting them, yet they do hamper one. We are expecting the legions from Africa. 2 But people are surprised at the war in your parts being renewed. Nothing was ever more unexpected. For when the victory was [p. 283] announced on your birthday, 3 we saw the Republic freed for many generations. These new alarms undo all that has gone before. Now you said in your letter to me of the 15th of May that you had lately heard from Plancus that Antony was not being received by Lepidus. 4 If that is so, everything will be easier. If otherwise, there is a serious business on hand, the result of which I do not dread. It is your part of the play. I cannot do more than I have done. You, however, I desire--as I also hope--to see become the greatest and most illustrious man in the world.
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1 This of course proved true. They kept with Octavian, and refused to have anything to do with an assassin of Caesar. See pp.264, 267.
2 To be sent by Cornificius. They arrived on the same day as Octavian reached Rome (App. B.C. 3.91).
3 26th April.
4 This letter is lost, but see p.258.
CM (F XI, 15)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT CULARO?)
ROME (JUNE)
THOUGH your letter was most gratifying to me, yet it was still more gratifying that in the midst of your great stress of business you commissioned your colleague Plancus to write and make your excuses to me; which he did with due care. [p. 310] But to me nothing can be more touching than your politeness and Careful attention. Your junction with your Colleague and your harmonious relations announced in your joint despatch 1 were gladly welcomed by the senate and Roman people. For the rest, go on, my dear Brutus, and henceforth vie, not with others, but with yourself. I need write no more, especially to you, whose teaching I follow in being brief. I anxiously await a letter from you, and above all such a one as I hope and pray for. 2
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1 See p.303.
2 That is, announcing victory.
DCCCLXXXIV (F XI, 16)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT EPOREDIA)
ROME (MAY-JUNE)
IT is of very great importance at what time you receive this letter-whether when you are suffering any anxiety or when you are free from all distress. Accordingly, I have instructed the bearer to be careful as to the time of its delivery. For just as in personal intercourse those who visit us at an inconvenient time are often troublesome, so do letters cause annoyance if delivered unseasonably. If, however, as I hope, nothing is vexing or hampering you, and if the messenger charged with it selects the time of approaching you with tact and discretion, I feel confident that I shall have no difficulty in obtaining from you what I desire. Lucius Lamia 1 is a candidate for the praetorship. I am particularly intimate with him. There is a friendship of very old standing and very close between us, and what is of the greatest weight of all is that he is supremely delightful in a social point of view. Besides that, I am under great obligations to him for kindness and good offices. For in the Clodian period, being at the head of the equestrian order and fighting with the greatest gallantry in defence of my safety, he was banished 2 from Rome by the consul [p. 285] Gabinius, a thing that had never before that time happened to any Roman citizen at Rome. 3 When the Roman people remembers this, it is most discreditable that I should forget it. Therefore, my dear Brutus, persuade yourself that I am a candidate for the praetorship: for though Lamia is in a brilliant position and extremely popular, and conducted his aedileship with most magnificent liberality, yet I have taken up his cause as if these things were not so. In these circumstances, if you value me as highly as I feel sure you do, since you control certain centuries of the equites, among whom you are all-powerful, send word to our friend Lupus to secure the votes of those centuries for us. Though there is nothing that I do not expect from you, Brutus, yet there is nothing in which you can more oblige me than this.
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1 L. Aelius Lamia (see vol. iii., p.326). He was aedile in B.C. 45.
2 Relegatus, i.e., forbidden to come to Rome, but not deprived of civil rights or property. Gabinius was consul in B.C. 58, the year of Cicero's exile. If Cicero calls him princeps ordinis equestris with definite exactness and not as a sort of general compliment, he means that he was the first decurio of the first turma of the equites. But it is very doubtful whether this military organization of the equites existed at this time in reality. It was elaborated by Augustus some years later.
3 It seems true that retegatio, or, as it was called in its mildest form, relegatio in agros, does not occur in republican times, at any rate by an edict of a magistrate in the case of a citizen, though peregrini could be, and on several occasions were, ordered to leave Rome. But it was common under the empire. See p.195; Suet. Aug. 16, 24; Ovid. Tr. 2.135: Quippe relegatus, non exul, dicor in illo, Privaque fortunae sunt data verba meae. The edict of Gabinius would only hold good during his year of office.
DCCCLXXXV (F XI, 17)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT EPOREDIA)
ROME (MAY-JUNE)
THERE is no one with whom I am more intimate than Lucius Lamia. His--I won't call them attentions, but good services, to me are great, and are most thoroughly well known to the Roman people. After administering the aedileship with most splendid liberality, he is now a candidate for the praetorship, and everybody is aware that he is not deficient either in position or popularity. But there is [p. 286] such an energetic canvass going on that I am thoroughly alarmed about the whole business, and think myself bound to back up Lamia. How much help you can give me in that affair I have no difficulty in seeing, nor indeed have I any doubt of how much you are willing to do for my sake. Pray therefore, my dear Brutus, convince yourself that I can make no request of you with greater earnestness, and that you cannot oblige me more than by assisting Lamia in his canvass with all your influence and all your zeal. I warmly beg you to do so. 1
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1 That Cicero should have written these two notes on the same subject and with some identical phrases is probably to be explained by the employment of two different bearers. He was very likely uncertain where Brutus was, and which of the two would reach him.
DCCCLXVII (F XI, 18)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (NEAR VERCELLAE)
ROME, 19 MAY
THOUGH from the message which you gave to Galba and Volumnius for the senate I have a good guess as to what you thought was the danger ahead, yet the message seemed to me to be less confident than suited the victory gained by yourself and the Roman people. The senate, however, my dear Brutus, is resolute and has resolute leaders. It was therefore somewhat hurt that it should be considered timid and spiritless by you, whom it considered the bravest of men. For considering that even when you were invested everybody retained the most confident hope in your valour, though Antony was in full vigour, who could be afraid of anything after he had been defeated and you released? Nor, indeed, are we afraid of Lepidus. For who in the world could expect him to be such a madman as, after saying in the midst of a most formidable war that he desired peace, to proclaim war against the Republic after the ardently desired peace had been obtained? And I do not doubt your seeing farther ahead than we can. But nevertheless a renewal of alarm so soon after the thanksgiving which we offered at all the temples in your name does cause bitter disappointment. Therefore, for my part, my wish is--as it is my hope--that Antony has been entirely ruined and crushed: but if he has by chance collected some forces, he shall feel that the senate is not without wisdom, nor the Roman people without valour, nor the Republic--as long as you are alive--without a general.
19 May. [p. 261]
DCCCLXXI (F XI, 19)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
VERCELLAE, 21 MAY
I SHOULD wish you to read over first the despatch which I have sent the senate and make any alterations you think right. You will notice that I could not avoid writing it: for while I thought that the fourth and Martian legions would be serving with me, 1 in accordance with the motion of Drusus and Paullus, with the support of you senators, I thought I need not much concern myself about anything else. In present circumstances, however, when I am accompanied by the most ill-equipped raw recruits, it is inevitable that I should be much alarmed both on my own account and on yours. The people of Vicetia shew very great attention to me and Marcus Brutus. I beg you to see that no wrong is done them in the senate on the question concerning their home-born slaves. They have a [p. 265] very strong case, are very loyal to the Republic, and have a class of men opposed to them seditious and extremely idle. 2
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1 The senate transferred the legions of the dead consuls to Decimus Brutus (App. B.C. 3.74). But the fourth and the Martia had joined Octavian, and refused to be so transferred.
2 We know nothing of the circumstance. The vernae, "home-born slaves," had apparently been set free on some conditions (as was not unusual) which they disputed or refused to fulfil. Vicetia is the modern Vicenza between Padua and Verona.
DCCCLXXIII (F XI, 20)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
EPOREDIA, 24 MAV
WHAT I don't do for myself my love for you and your kindnesses to me force me to do--to fear. For though I have often heard the story before, and never thought lightly of it, quite recently Segulius Labeo--and it was exactly like him-tells me that he has been in Caesar's company, and that there was a great deal of talk about you. That Caesar himself had no complaint to make against you, except as to an epigram which he said that you uttered: "that the young man must be complimented, honoured, and--got rid of." 1 He said that he did not mean to give them the chance of getting rid of him. I believe for my part that Labeo told him this epigram or made it up himself, and that it was not mentioned first by the young man. As for the veterans, Labeo would have me believe that their language is abominable, that you are in imminent danger from them, and that they are exceedingly indignant at neither Caesar nor myself being among the ten commissioners, 2 and at everything being put in the hands of your party. Having heard these stories, and being already on the march, I did not think that I ought to allow myself to cross the Alps until I knew what was going on with you in Rome. For as to your danger, believe me they hope by swaggering language and threats of danger to [p. 267] make great profit for themselves, when they have cowed you and egged on the young man, and that all that talk about your epigram has one origin-their desire to do as good a stroke of business as possible. Not, however, that I wouldn't have you be cautious and avoid traps: for nothing can be dearer and more precious to me than your life. Take care that you are not forced to be still more afraid by being timid, and that you meet the wishes of the veterans by whatever means that can be done. First, do what they want about the commission of ten. Next, as to rewards, vote, if you think good, that the lands of those veteran soldiers who have served with Antony be transferred to them by both Caesar and myself. As for the coinage, tell them that the senate with deliberation, and after a full investigation of the money, will authoritatively settle that business. For the four legions 3 to whom you in the senate have voted that lands should be given, I see there will be enough land to draw upon from the confiscations of Sulla and the territory of Capua. I think these lands should be given to the legions share and share alike, or by drawing lots. It is no particular wisdom of mine that makes me write this to you, but my love for you and my yearning for peace, which cannot be firmly secured without you. Unless it is absolutely necessary I shall not quit Italy. I am arming and preparing my legions. I hope that I shall have an army that will not be very unfit to grapple with all chances of fortune and all attacks of men. From the army commanded by Pansa Caesar does not intend to allow a legion to join me. Please answer this letter at once, or if the matter is very confidential, and one which you think I ought to know, send one of your men.
24 May, Eporedia. [p. 268]
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1 The point of the jest is in the double meaning of tollendum, "to be raised" and "to be removed " (see p.191).
2 To undo the acta of Antony and arrange for the assignation of land to the veterans.
3 Those with Octavian--the fourth, the Martia, and the two veteran legions which he had raised.
DCCCLXXXVIII (F XI, 21)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT EPOREDIA)
ROME, 4 JUNE
THE gods confound your friend Segulius, 1 the greatest scoundrel that exists, or has existed, or ever will exist! What? Do you mean that he only told you, or that he told Caesar? Why, he never let anyone go, with whom he could get in a word, without telling that same story! Nevertheless, I am as much obliged to you, my dear Brutus, as I ought to be for wishing me to know that piece of folly, whatever it amounted to. For you gave a great proof of your affection thereby. As to what this same Segulius says of you and Caesar not being among the commission of ten, 2 would to heaven I were not either! For what could be a greater bore? However, when I expressed an opinion that a motion should be made about those who were in command of armies, the usual lot in the senate shouted "No !" Accordingly, you were all left out in spite of my vehement opposition. Therefore let us pay no regard to Segulius, who is always on the look-out for revolutionary bonnes fortunes--not that he has devoured his own, for he never had any, but he has made a hearty meal on this last tit-bit. Again, you say that what you would not do for yourself, you do for me-- [p. 291] namely, be somewhat alarmed. Best and dearest of men, I free you from all fear for me! For I shall not be caught napping in any affairs that admit of being foreseen. In regard to those which will admit of no precautions I do not much trouble myself. For I should be shameless if I asked more than a human being can have bestowed on him by nature. When you bid me take care lest by a timid line of policy I may be compelled to fear still more, you speak like the wise man and affectionate friend that you are. But pray believe that, as everyone knows you to be eminent in this particular excellence-never, that is, to be frightened, never to lose your head--so I come near this high quality of yours. Wherefore I will fear nothing and be on my guard about everything. But be careful, my dear Brutus, that it is not your fault if I am afraid of anything. For, encouraged by your resources and your consulship, even if we had been timid by nature, we should yet have shaken off all fear, especially as everyone would have been convinced, and I above all, that we were regarded by you with unique affection. I warmly approve of your policy about the four legions, and about the assignation of lands by both of you. 3 Accordingly, when some of my colleagues were nibbling at the land business, I upset the whole affair and caused it to be reserved entirely for your decision. If there is anything to say more than usually secret, and, as you express it, more "confidential," I will send some one by whom the letter may be conveyed with greater fidelity.
4 June.
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1 Who betrayed the laudandum, ornandum, tollendum epigram. See p.266.
2 Appointed to review the acta of Antony (see pp.266, 282, 310; App. B.C. 3.82). The veterans feared for their interests, lest the grants of lands should be revoked.
3 Decimus Brutus and Octavian. See p.266.
DCXLVII (F XI, 22)
TO TIRO (AT ROME)
ASTURA (27 JULY)
I hope from your letter that you are better, at any rate I desire it. Devote your whole energies to that, and don't have any uneasy feeling that you are acting against my wishes in staying away. You are with me if you are taking care of yourself. Therefore I would rather you were doing duty to your health than to my eyes and ears. For though it gives me pleasure both to hear and see you, it will give me much more pleasure If you are well. I am being idle here, because I don't write without an amanuensis; but I find extreme pleasure in reading. As you are on the spot, [p. 314] if there is anything in my handwriting which the copyists can't make out, please instruct them. There is at least one inserted passage somewhat difficult to decipher, which I often find it hard to make out myself-about Cato when he was four years old. 1 Look after the dinner table, as you have been doing. Tertia will come so long as Publius is not there. 2 Your friend Demetrius was never quite a Demetrius of Phalerum, but now he has become a regular Billienus. 3 Accordingly, I appoint you my representative: you will look after him. Although, after all: about those men-you know the rest. However, if you do have any conversation with him, write and tell me, that I may have something to put into a letter, and may have as long a one as possible from you to read. Take care of your health, my dear Tiro: you can't oblige me more than by doing that. [p. 315]
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1 A story is told by Plutarch (Cat. min. 2) of how, at the beginning of the Marsic or Social War, Pompaedius Silo, staying in the house of Cato's uncle Drusus, suggested to the boy that he should ask his uncle to side with the allies, and when he refused, picked him up and, holding him out of the window, threatened to drop him down if he didn't. But the boy held out. As Cato was just four years old then (b. B.C. 95) this is probably the story, and the book alluded to Cicero's Cato, published in B.C. 46, of which the librarii would be making fresh copies. Schmidt, however, reads de quadrivio Catonis, and refers it to Cato's exposition of the Stoic philosophy in the de Finibus.
2 Tertia was sister of Brutus and wife of Cassius. Who Publius was and why she objected to meet him we cannot tell. Dolabella is suggested.
3 Demetrius is unknown, except from these letters to Tiro, but it is likely that Cicero found him tiresome. He is not, he says, quite a "Demetrius of Phalerum," i.e., the philosophic and eloquent governor of Athens in the later Macedonian period (B.C. 317-307). Billienus was the slave of this or another Demetrius: he murdered a certain Domitius at Ventimiglia, which led to an outbreak which Caelius (B.C. 49) was sent by Caesar to quiet (see vol. ii., p.299). There is also a Demetrius, a freedman of Pompey (vol. i., p.253), who may be the Demetrius meant. Why Cicero should say that Demetrius has become a Billienus is not clear. Some have suggested a pun on bilis, as though he were ill-tempered.
DCCCLXXIV (F XI, 23)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
EPOREDIA, 25 MAY
WE are all well here, and I shall do my best to make us better. Lepidus seems to us to be fairly well disposed. Having got rid of every fear, we ought to consult for the interests of the state with freedom. But if everything else went wrong, yet with three such great armies devoted to the service of the Republic in full force, you ought to have the high courage which you have always kept, and can now by the blessing of fortune increase. As to what I told you under my hand in my previous letter--it is all mere talk meant to bluff you. If you once get the bit between your teeth, may I die if all of them put together will be able to stand against you when you start speaking. As I told you in my last letter, I shall remain in Italy till a letter from you reaches me.
25 May, Eporedia.
DCCCLXXXIX (F XI, 24)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT EPOREDIA)
ROME, 6 JUNE
I tell you what: I used to be somewhat irritated at the brevity of your letters. Now I think myself over-talkative. [p. 292] I will therefore imitate you. What a volume in a few words--that you are quite well and will take measures to be daily better; 1 that Lepidus is well-disposed, and that we ought to have confidence in their armies! If I had been nervous, that letter would still have wiped away all fear from my heart. But, as you advise, I have taken the bit between my teeth: for when I rested every hope on you, in spite of your being closely invested, what do you think that I do now? I desire now, Brutus, to make over to you my sleepless watchfulness, though without diminishing my own firm policy. You say that, if the enemy permits it, you will stay in Italy till you get a letter from me. You are not wrong: for much happens at Rome: but if the war can be finished by your arrival on the scene, let that be your first care. The money that was most readily available has been decreed to you. You have a very warm friend in Servius : 2 I never fail to support you.
6 June.
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1 See p. 268.
2 Servius Sulpicius Galba. See p. 260.
DCCCXCVIII (F XI, 25)
TO DECIMUS BRUTUS (AT CULARO?)
ROME, 10 JUNE
As I was waiting day after day for a letter from you, our friend Lupus suddenly gave me notice to write to you if I wanted to say anything. But I, though I had nothing to say--for I knew the gazette was being sent to you, and I was also told that the chatter of a letter with nothing in it was disagreeable to you--have aimed at brevity, following your teaching. Be it known to you then that our every hope rests on you and your colleague. As to M. Brutus we have as yet nothing certain: but I never stop calling on him in my confidential correspondence to come and take his share in the war in which we are all engaged. Would to heaven he were already here! We should have less reason to fear the danger within the city, which is really serious. But what am I doing? I am not imitating your laconic style; I am already beginning a second page of paper. Victory and health to you!
18 June. [p. 309]
DCCCLXXXVII (F XI, 26)
DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)
IN CAMP (NEAR CULARO), 3 JUNE
IN the midst of excessive sorrow I find consolation in the fact that the world now knows that it was not without cause that I feared what has actually occurred. Let them consider whether to bring the legions from Africa or not, and also from Sardinia; and whether to summon Marcus Brutus or not; and whether to give or decree me pay for my soldiers. I am sending a despatch to the senate. Believe me that unless all these measures are taken as described in my despatch, we shall be in the greatest danger. I beseech you to see to whom to intrust the business of bringing the legions to me. What is necessary is loyalty and speed. 1
3 June, from camp. [p. 290]
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1 We do not possess the public despatch referred to, or any more letters from Decimus Brutus. He evidently knew when he wrote this despairing note that Lepidus had joined Antony--as he did on the 29th of May--and that his chance was over. He did, however, effect a junction with Plancus at Cularo (Grenoble) about the 27th of June, and the two kept open the Alpine pass and communication between Eporedia (Ivrea) and Grenoble for some weeks. But in August or early in September--while Octavian, after entering Rome and securing the consulship, had caused Decimus with the other assassins to be condemned under the lex Pedia--Pollio arrived with his legions, joined Lepidus and Antony, and persuaded Plancus to do the same. The frantic attempts of Decimus to march across Italy to Ravenna or Aquileia and take ship to join M. Brutus in Macedonia, the desertion of his army, his being headed off by Octavian from Aquileia, his flight to the Rhine, and his death by the hands of a Sequanian Gaul, at the command of Antony, followed in September--October. He was the third of the assassins to die a violent death, Trebonius and Aquila having already fallen. He had perhaps less excuse than any for taking part in the crime and blunder of the Ides of March. Cicero exalts his character in grandiloquent terms, and Caesar trusted and employed him constantly; yet he seems to have been a man of little political ability.
DCCLXXXI (F XI, 27)
TO C. MATIUS (AT ROME)
TUSCULUM (END OF AUGUST)
I have not yet been able to make up my mind whether Trebatius--kind man and devoted friend of us both-brought me more pain or pleasure. The fact is that I having reached Tusculum in the evening, early next day he [p. 123] called on me: though he was not fully recovered. I scolded him for not being sufficiently considerate of his weak health: but he said that nothing had been more wearisome to him than waiting to see me. "Nothing fresh happened, has there?" said I. Then he told me of your grievance. But before I answer it I will put before you a few facts. As far back as I can remember I have no older friend than your-self. But after all the length of a friendship is something in which many others share. Not so warmth of affection. I became attached to you the first day I knew you, and formed the opinion that you were attached to me. After that your absence--which was a very prolonged one--my own official career, and the different line we took in life did not allow our inclinations to be cemented by a constant intercourse. Nevertheless, I had proof of your affection for me many years before the civil war, when Caesar was in Gaul. For you secured what you were strongly of opinion was to my advantage and not without advantage to Caesar himself--that the latter should like me, pay me attention, and rate me among his friends. I pass over instances in those times of words, letters, and various communications of the most friendly character passing between us. For a more dangerous crisis followed: and at the beginning of the civil war, when you were on your way to Brundisium to join Caesar, you came to call on me at Formiae. How much that implies in itself, to begin with, especially at such a crisis! And in the next place, do you suppose that I have forgotten your advice, conversation, and kindly interest? And in these I remember that Trebatius took part. 1 Nor, again, have I for gotten the letter you sent me after you had met Caesar in the district, if I remember rightly, of Trebula. 2 Then followed the period in which whether you call it shame or duty or fortune compelled me to go abroad to join Pompey. What service or zeal was wanting on your part, either towards myself when away from town, or my family, who were still there? Whom did all my family regard as more warmly attached either to me or to themselves? [p. 124]
I came to Brundisium : 3 do you suppose that I have forgotten with what speed you flew to me from Tarentum, as soon as you heard of it? Or, of how patiently you sat by my side, talked to me, and strengthened my courage, which had been broken by the dread of the universal ruin? At length our residence at Rome began: could anything be more intimate than we were? In questions of the first importance I consulted you as to my attitude towards Caesar, and in other matters availed myself of your good offices. Setting Caesar aside, whom else but me did you so far distinguish as to visit constantly at home, where you often spent many hours in the most delightful conversation? And it was then too, if you remember, that you instigated me to write these philosophical works. After Caesar's return, was there any object dearer to you than that I should be on the terms of closest friendship with him? And this you had accomplished.
To what end, therefore, is this preamble which has run to greater length than I anticipated? Why, to explain my surprise that you, who were bound to have known all this, should have believed me capable of having done anything incompatible with our friendship. For besides these facts, which are well attested and as clear as the day, I could mention many others of a more secret nature, such as I can hardly express in words. Everything about you gives me pleasure: but above all your surpassing fidelity in friendship, the prudence, trustworthiness and consistency of your character, as well as the charm of your manners, the cultivation of your intellect, and your knowledge of literature.
This being understood, I return to your statement of grievance. That you voted for that law 4 I at first refused to believe. In the next place, if I had believed it, I should never have believed that you did so without some sound reason. Your rank makes it inevitable that whatever you do should be noticed: while the ill-nature of the world causes certain things to be represented in a harsher light [p. 125] than your actions have really warranted. If you never hear such observations I don't know what to say. For my part, whenever I hear them I defend you, as I know that I am always defended by you against my detractors. Now my line of defence is twofold. There are some statements which I meet with a blank denial, as about that very vote of yours. Others I defend on the ground of the loyalty and kindness of your motives, as in regard to the superintendence of the games. 5 But it does not escape a mind so highly cultivated as yours that, if Caesar was a tyrant--as I think he was-two opposite theories are capable of being maintained in regard to your services. One is mine--when I hold that your loyalty and kindness are to be commended for shewing affection to a friend, even after his death. The opposite theory, advanced by some, is that the liberty of our country is to be preferred to the life of a friend. From such discussions as these I only wish that the arguments I have advanced had come to your ears! Two other points, which above everything else redound to you reputation, no one could put oftener and with more satisfaction than I do: that your voice was the strongest both against beginning the civil war, and for moderation in victory. And in this I have never found anyone who did not agree with me. Therefore I am grateful to our friend Trebatius for giving me an excuse for writing this letter. And if you do not believe in it, you will thereby condemn me as wanting in duty and good feeling: than which nothing can be more discreditable to me or more foreign to your own character.
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1 For a joint letter from Matius and Trebatius acquainting Cicero with Caesar's movements in B.C. 49, see vol. ii., p.350.
2 Vol.. ii., p. 5.
3 That is, after Pharsalia, at the beginning of November, B.C. 48. See vol. iii., p.11.
4 We have no certain indication of what law is meant. It may mean the law which gave Antony Gallia Cisalpina and the Macedonian legions
5 See p.52.
DCCLXXXII (F XI, 28)
C. MATIUS TO CICERO (AT TUSCULUM)
ROME (AUGUST)
Your letter gave me great pleasure by convincing me that your opinion of me was what I had hoped and wished that [p. 126] it should be. And although I had no doubt about that, yet, as I valued it very highly, I was anxious that it should remain intact. I was, moreover, conscious in my own mind of having done nothing calculated to wound the feelings of any good man. Therefore I was all the less inclined to believe that a man of your many splendid qualities could be induced to adopt any opinion inconsiderately, especially as my good feeling towards you had always been, and still was, heartfelt and uninterrupted. As then I know this to be as I wished it to be, I will now answer the charges, which--as was natural from your unparalleled kindness and our friendship-you have often rebutted in my behalf.
Now I am well acquainted with the allegations made against me since Caesar's death. People blame me for shewing grief at the death of a dear friend, and expressing my indignation that the man whom I loved had been killed. For they say that country should be preferred to friendship, as though they had actually proved that his death has been beneficial to the Republic. Well, I will speak frankly. I confess that I have not attained to that height of philosophy. For in the political controversy it was not Caesar that I followed, but it was a friend whom--though disapproving of what was being done--I yet refused to desert. Nor did I ever approve of a civil war, nor of the motive of the quarrel, which in fact I strove my utmost to have nipped in the bud. Accordingly, when my friend was victorious I was not fascinated by the charm either of promotion or of money-rewards upon which others, though less influential with him than I was, seized with such intemperate avidity. In fact, even my own personal property was curtailed by the law of Caesar, 1 thanks to which most of those who now exult in Caesar's death maintained their position in the state. I was as anxious that conquered citizens should be spared as I was for my own safety. Wishing therefore the preservation of all, could [p. 127] I fail to be indignant that the man by whose means that preservation had been secured had perished? Especially when the very same men had caused both the feeling against him. and the death which befell him. "Well then," say they, "you are assailed for venturing to shew your disapprobation of our deed." What unheard--of tyranny! One party are to boast of a crime, others are not to be allowed even to grieve at it with impunity! Why, even slaves have always been free to fear, to rejoice, and to grieve at their own will rather than at the behest of another-emotions of which, to judge from the frequent remarks of your champions of liberty, they are now endeavouring to deprive us by force. But they are throwing away their labour. I shall never be deterred from duty and humanity by the threats of any danger. For I have convinced myself that an honourable death is never to be shunned, is often even to be sought. But why are they angry with me for wishing them to repent of what they have do e? For I desire Caesar's death to be regretted by all. 'But," say they, "I ought as a citizen to desire the safety of the Republic." If my past life and future hopes do not prove me--without my saying a word--to desire that, I do not expect to convince them by anything I can say. Therefore I ask you with more than usual earnestness to regard facts as more convincing than words; and if you think it good for the world that right should prevail, to believe that I can have nothing in common with criminals. The principles which I maintained as a young man, when I might have had some excuse for going wrong, am I now that my life is drawing to its close entirely to change and with my own lips to give the lie to my whole career? I will not do so! Yet I will not act in a way to cause offence farther than by avowing my grief at the hard fate of one so deeply loved, and a man of such extraordinary distinction. But if I were otherwise disposed I would never deny what I was doing, lest I should get the reputation of being at once unscrupulous in committing crime, and timid and false in disavowing it.
"But," say they, "I superintended the games given by the young Caesar in honour of Caesar's victory." That is a matter of private obligation with no constitutional significance. Yet, after all, a service which I was bound to [p. 128] render to the memory of a dear friend even after his death, I could not refuse to the request of a young man of very great promise and in the highest degree worthy of Caesar.
I have also frequently been to the house of the consul Antonius to pay my respects. Yes, and those who now regard me as unpatriotic you will find going there in crowds to prefer some petition or to pocket some bounty. But what insolence is this that, whereas Caesar never interfered with my being intimate with whom I chose, even with those whom he personally disliked, these men who have torn my friend from me should now endeavour by their captious remarks to prevent my loving whom I choose? But I have no fear either of the regularity of my life not being sufficient to protect me hereafter, or of those very men who hate me for my constancy to Caesar not preferring to have friends like me rather than like themselves. For myself, if I get what I like, I shall spend the remainder of my life in retirement at Rhodes: but if some accident intervenes, though I am at Rome I shall always desire the right to prevail. I am very much obliged to our friend Trebatius, for having shewn me your true-hearted and affectionate feeling towards myself, and for having given me additional reasons for being still more bound to cultivate and respect a man for whom I have always felt a spontaneous affection. Good-bye, and do not cease to love me.
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1 There were two financial laws of Caesar's, one in B.C. 49, which provided for the payment of loans-minus interest--by transferring property at a valuation, and regulated the proportion of money to be invested in Italian land (App. B.C. 3.48; Caes. B.C. iii. I; Dio, 41, 38); and a second of B.C. 47, remitting certain proportions of house and land rent in Rome and Italy (Dio, 42, 51; Suet. Iul. 38). Matius may be referring to either or both. He lost by them, being an investor rather than a borrower of money. See vol. iii., pp.93, 98.
DCCLIX (F XI, 29)
TO GAIUS OPPIUS (AT ROME)
(ANAGNIA, JULY)
WHEN I was hesitating--as my friend Atticus knows-about the entire idea of my journey, because many considerations on both sides kept occurring to my mind, your judgment and advice had great weight in clearing away all feeling of hesitation: for not only did your letter express your opinion frankly, but Atticus also conveyed to me what you had said by word of mouth. It has ever been my opinion that nothing could exceed your wisdom in conceiving or your honesty in imparting advice. I had a supreme instance of this when I [p. 89] wrote to consult you at the beginning of the civil war as to what you thought I ought to do--go to Pompey, or stay in Italy. You advised me to consider what was due to my position. 1 That told me plainly what your opinion was; and I admired your honesty and conscientiousness in giving advice. For though you thought that your dearest friend would wish it to be otherwise, your duty to me was of superior importance in your eyes to his wishes. For my part, even before that time I was attached to you, and always felt that you were attached to me. And when I was abroad and in the midst of great dangers, I remember that both I myself in my absence and my family who were at home enjoyed your attentions and protection. Again, after my return I can call all who usually observe such things to witness on what intimate terms you have been with me, and what feelings I have both entertained and avowed in regard to you. But the weightiest expression of your judgment as to my honour and consistency was given by you when, after Caesar's death, you devoted yourself heart and soul to my friendship. If I fail to justify that judgment by displaying the warmest affection for you and serving you in every possible way, I shall regard myself as a monster of ingratitude. Pray, my dear Oppius, maintain your love for me--though, after all, I say this more because it is usual to say it, than from an idea that you need to be reminded--and continue to protect all my interests. As to what they are I have charged Atticus to enlighten you. As soon as I have secured a little leisure you may expect a longer letter from me. Take good care to keep well; you cannot oblige me more than by doing that. [p. 90]
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1 He seems to be referring, though not with very great precision, to the joint letter from Oppius and Balbus in March, B.C. 49. See vol. ii., p. 308 (Fam. 9.7a).