Cicero’s Letters to his Friends, Book 12

Translated by Evelyn Shuckburgh

DCCXX (F XII, I)

TO GAIUS CASSIUS LONGINUS

(AT ANTIUM) POMPEII, 3 MAY.

Believe me, Cassius, I never cease thinking about you and our dear Brutus, that is, about the entire Republic, all hope for which depends on you two and Decimus Brutus. That hope indeed I now myself feel to be improved owing to the very splendid administration of my dear Dolabella. For that mischief in the city was gradually extending and becoming day by day so confirmed, that I felt uneasy both for the city and the peace in it. But that mutiny has now been put down in such a way that I think we shall be secured for all time, at any rate from that most degrading of dangers. Things still remaining to be done are both important and numerous; but they all rest with you three. However, let me expound each in its turn. Well then, as far as we have gone as yet, we seem not to have been freed from a tyranny--only from a tyrant: for though the tyrant has been killed, we obey his every nod. And not only so, but measures which he himself, had he been alive, would not have taken, we allow to pass on the plea that they were meditated by him. And to this indeed I see no limit: decrees are fastened up; immunities are granted; immense sums of money are squandered ; ¹ exiles are being recalled; forged decrees of the senate are being entered in the aerarium. Surely then nothing has been accomplished except to dispel the indignation at our slavery and the resentment against an unprincipled man: the Republic still lies involved in the confusions into which he brought it. These are all questions demanding your solution; and you must not think that the Republic has had all it can claim from you three. It has had indeed more than it ever occurred to me to desire, but it is not content yet. Its demands are great in [p. 37] proportion to the greatness of your spirits and of your services. Up to the present it has avenged its injuries by the death of the tyrant through your hands: nothing more. Which of its dignities has it recovered? Is it that it now obeys the man in his grave whom it could not endure in his life-time? Do we support the rough drafts of a man, whose laws we ought to have torn down from the walls? "But"--you will say--"we so decreed in the senate." ² Yes, we did so as a concession to the exigencies of the time, which always been of decisive importance in politics. But they are abusing our concession without moderation or gratitude. However, of this and much else before long when we meet. Meanwhile, I would have you feel fully persuaded that, both for the sake of the Republic--always the object of my greatest devotion--and for the sake of our mutual affection, your position in the state is the object of the greatest importance in my eyes. Take great care of your health.

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¹ For these accusations against Antony, see 2 Phil. §§ 93-98.

² At the meeting of the senate on the 17th of March, when Caesar's acta were confirmed. See p.17.

DCCLXXXVII (F XII, 2)

TO C. CASSIUS LONGINUS (NEAR PUTEOLI)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

I am much delighted that my expression of opinion and my speech ¹ have your approval. If one might speak like that more often, there would be no trouble about recovering freedom and the constitution. But that infatuated and unprincipled fellow-much worse than the man whom you declared to have been put to death for his flagrant iniquity--is seeking an excuse for a massacre, and accuses me of being the instigator of Caesar's assassination, with no other motive than that of inciting the veterans against me. ² [p. 136] I don't dread that danger, so long as he associates the glory of the deed which you and your fellows wrought with my reputation. Accordingly, we can none of us come to the senate in safety : neither Piso, ³ who was the first to inveigh against him, without anyone to support him; nor I, who did the same a month afterwards; nor Publius Servilius, who followed me closely. For that gladiator ⁴ is seeking for a chance of using the sword, and thought that he was going to begin with me on the 19th of September, ⁵ on which day he came primed after studying his speech for many days in the villa of Metellus. ⁶ But what sort of "study" was possible in brothels and drunken riots? The result was that in everybody's eyes, as I wrote you word before, he seemed to be but vomiting in his usual way, not speaking. ⁷ Wherefore in reference to your remark that you felt confident that some good might be done by my influence and eloquence, I may say that some little good-considering the enormity of the evil-has been done. For the Roman people fully under-stand that there are three ex-consuls, ⁸ who, because they have thought honestly on politics and ventured to speak freely, cannot come in safety to the senate. Nor can you expect anything more than that: for your relative is greatly delighted with his new marriage connexion ; ⁹ and so he no longer cares about the games, and is bursting with envy at the applause given to your brother. ¹⁰ Your other brother-in-law [p. 137] has been smoothed down by the new hatch of Caesar's minutes. ¹¹ Still these things are endurable. But the next is intolerable--that there is a man who thinks that his son is to be consul in the year of yourself and Brutus, and for that reason avows his subservience to this bandit. ¹² For my friend Lucius Cotta, yielding to some fatal despair, now. comes less frequently to the senate: Lucius Caesar, a most loyal and gallant citizen, is hindered by ill-health: Servius Sulpicius, a man of the greatest influence and the most excellent sentiments, is not in town. As for the rest, the consuls-designate excepted, ¹³ pardon me if I do not reckon, them consulars. These are the leaders of our public policy. Few enough even if things were all going well--what think you in the present disastrous position? Wherefore our sole hope is in you. And if your motive for not coming to Rome is that you cannot do so safely--there is none in you either. But if you are meditating some stroke worthy of your glory,--I pray that I may live to see it. But if that cannot be, yet at least the Republic will shortly recover its legal rights by' your means. I am not failing to support your friends, nor shall I do so. If they refer to me for anything, my goodwill to you and my-good faith shall be made manifest.

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¹ The first Philippic, spoken in the senate on the 2nd of September. The constant parallelism in thought and language in the following letters with the second Philippic shews that they were written while Cicero was composing it, i.e., after 19th September.

² This is the motive alleged in Phil. 2.33.

³ L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus, the father of Caesar's last wife, had spoken against Antony in the senate on the 1st of August (Phil. 1.14).

⁴ Cicero is fond of applying this term to Antony, partly in reference to his bodily size and strength. See 2 Phil. §§ 7, 63; infra, p.169.

⁵ The day on which Antony delivered his reply to the first Philippic, composed Cicero says by the aid of the rhetorician Sextus Clodius (Phil. 2.42).

⁶ L. Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, who threw himself overboard while escaping from Africa after Thapsus (B.C. 46). Antony had in some way possessed himself of his villa at Tibur.

⁷ Repeated in 2 Phil. §§ 6, 42. For the vomiting--which is not meant to be merely metaphorical--see 2 Phil. §§ 63, 76, 84, 104.

⁸ Piso, Cicero, and P. Servilius Isauricus.

⁹ M. Aemilius Lepidus married Iunia, sister to Tertia, the wife of Cassius: they were both half-sisters to Brutus. The "new marriage connexion" refers to the marriage or betrothal of the son of Lepidus to a daughter of Antony's (Dio, 44, 53).

¹⁰ Quintus Cassius, tribune in this year, whom Antony threatened with death if he came to the senate (Phil. 3.23).

¹¹ We don't know who this is. It may be M. Iunius Silanus, brother to Iunia and Tertia, now legatus to Lepidus, who survived to be consul in B.C. 25. He was serving under Antony at Mutina.

¹² Brutus and Cassius being praetors B.C. 44, their" proper year" for the consulship would be B.C. 41. We don't know who was expecting to supplant them.

¹³ Pansa and Hirtius.

DCCLXXXVIII (F XII, 3)

TO C. CASSIUS LONGlNUS (NEAR PUTEOLI)

ROME (BETWEEN 2 AND 9 OCTOBER)

YOUR friend ¹ daily becomes madder. To begin with, he has caused "To the father for his eminent services" to be inscribed on the statue which he has placed on the rostra, so [p. 138] that you are now condemned not only as murderers, but as parricides. ² But why do I say "you"? Rather I should say "we" are condemned: for that madman asserts that I was the head and front of that most glorious deed of yours. Would that I had been! He would not have been troubling us now. ³ But it is you and your fellows who are responsible for this: and since it is past and done with, I only wish I had some advice to give you. But the fact is, I cannot feel satisfied even of what I myself ought to do. For what is possible against force without having any force oneself? Now the gist of this policy of theirs is to punish the death of Caesar. Accordingly, on the 2nd of October, being introduced to an assembly by Cannutius, Antony got indeed a very sorry reception: still, he did deliver himself of remarks about the saviours of the country which ought only to have been made about traitors. As to me, indeed, he declared outright both that you had acted and that Cannutius was acting in everything on my advice. You may judge of the rest from the fact that they have deprived your legatus of his travelling money. ⁴ What explanation of that do you suppose that they give? They say, forsooth, that it is being conveyed to a public enemy! What a grievous thing, that we could not endure a master, and yet are slaves to a fellow slave! Yet after all, though my will is better than my hopes, there does remain even now some hope in your valour. But where to get forces? As to the future I would rather you consulted your own feelings, than listened to words of mine. [p. 139]

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¹ Antony.

² The title of parens (or pater) patriae had been formally given to Caesar and was inscribed on coins (see Dio, 44, 3; Suet. Iul. 80). Cicero alludes to the guilt of parricide brought thereby upon his assassins in Phil. 2.31 ; cp. Phil. 13.23.

³ Cicero often repeats this sentiment, that if he had been one of the assassins, he would have killed Antony also. See, e.g., Phil. 2.34; supra, p.46.

⁴ Though Dolabella had gone to take possession of the province of Syria, Cassius still meant to possess himself of it in value of his appointment in Caesar's time. Meanwhile that appointment had been cancelled by the senate, and he had been nominated to Cyrene, and could therefore have legati, and a legal allowance for them. Antony no doubt interfered because he knew that Cassius would not go to Cyrene, but would defy this senatus consultum and go to Syria (Appian B.C. iii. 8, 12).

DCCCXV (F XII, 4)

TO C. CASSIUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME, 2 FEBRUARY

I could wish that you had invited me to the banquet of the Ides of March: there would have been nothing left over! As it is, your leavings give me much trouble-yes, me more than anybody. Though our consuls are splendid, our consulars are utterly shameful. Though the senate is courageous, it is the lowest in rank that are most so. Nothing, indeed, can surpass the resolute bearing of the people, and of all Italy with one accord. Nothing, on the other hand, can well be more scandalous and unprincipled than our emissaries Philippus and Piso. For having been sent to deliver to Antony certain definite orders, in accordance with the vote of the senate, upon his refusing to comply with one of them, they have brought back to us some intolerable demands on his part. ¹ The result is that my house is thronged, and that though I am supporting a sound constitutional measure, I have now become a popular hero.

But what you are doing or intending to do, even where you are, I do not know. Report will have it that you are in Syria. But there is no confirmation of it. About M. Brutus, as he is less remote, news seems more trustworthy. Dolabella is being soundly abused by the wits for being so prompt in relieving you before you had been full thirty days in Syria. ² So all are agreed that he ought not to be [p. 175] admitted into Syria. You and Brutus are both highly commended because you are thought to have collected an army beyond what was hoped. I would have written at greater length, had I known the facts and the real state of the case. As it is, what I write is founded on common opinion and rumour. I am anxiously longing for a letter from you. Good-bye.

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¹ This is the subject of the eighth Philippic delivered on the 3rd of February. Antony's postulata are discussed in §§ 25-58. They included: (1) amnesty for all proceedings of the past year; (2) confirmation of his consular acta; (3) lands for his soldiers; (4) no inquiry as to the money taken from the temple of Ops; (5) the amnesty to include all his agents and friends; (6) the governorship of Gallia Comata for five years with six legions. In return he will give up Gallia Cisalpina.

² Dolabella had spent some time in Asia on his way to Syria. The murder of Trebonius took place on the 2nd of February. He then went on to Syria. The quidnuncs spoke jestingly of his Opposition to Cassius

DCCCXVIII (F XII, 5)

TO GAIUS CASSUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (FEBRUARY)

I SUPPOSE that the winter has as yet prevented us from getting any certain news from you, as to what you are doing, and above all where you are. Nevertheless, it is the general talk--the wish, no doubt, is father to the thought--that you are in Syria and in possession of forces. That statement finds the readier belief that it seems likely in itself. Our friend Brutus for his part has gained a brilliant reputation: for his achievements have been so great and unexpected that, while welcome in themselves, their distinction was enhanced by their rapidity. ¹ But if you command the extent of territory which we suppose, the Republic has gained very strong supports. For from the nearest shore of Greece as far as Egypt we shall have been put under the protection of the authority and forces of the most loyal citizens. However, unless I am mistaken, as the situation now stands, the ultimate decision of the whole war seems to rest with Decimus Brutus. If he, as we hope, breaks cut from Mutina, I think there will be a complete collapse of the war. The forces at present besieging him are very small, because Antony is occupying Bononia with a large army. Our friend Hirtius, moreover, is at Claterna, ² Caesar at Forum Cornelium, both with a strong army; while Pansa has collected large forces at Rome from the levy in Italy. Winter has at present prevented any movement. Hirtius seems likely to do nothing, as he tells me in frequent letters, without careful preparation. Except Bononia, Regium Lepidi, and Parma, we have the whole of Gaul devoted heart and soul to the constitution. Even your clients the Transpadani we find attached to the cause with [p. 180] surprising unanimity. The senate, with the exception of the consulars, is most resolute, ³ but of the consulars Lucius Caesar alone is loyal and honest. By the death of Servius Sulpicius we have lost a great support For the rest, some are inactive and some disloyal A certain number are envious of the reputation of those whom they see to be held in honour in the Republic. But the unanimity of the Roman people and the whole of Italy is wonderful. This is pretty well all which I wanted you to know. My present hope and prayer is that the sun of your valour may shine forth from those regions of the East.

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¹ Referring to M. Brutus having collected an army, occupied Greece, Macedonia, and Illyricum (App. B.C. 3.79; Dlo, 47, 21 sq.).

² Modern Quaderna, on the Aemilian road between Forum Cornelium and Bononia (Bologna).

³ The surviving consulars were in several cases those who had owed their promotion to Caesar.

DCCCXXXII (F XII, 6)

TO C. CASSIUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (1-7 APRIL)

THE political situation at the time of my writing these lines you will learn from Gaius Titius Strabo, a man of character and of the most excellent political sentiments: I need not add "and very desirous of your company," for he has left the country to join you in preference to everyone else, abandoning house and fortune. His own arrival will be a sufficient recommendation of him in your eyes. I would have you realize the fact and have no doubt about it, that the only chance of finding refuge left for loyalists depends on you and Brutus, in the case--which I hope may not occur--of any reverse being sustained. At the moment of my writing the decisive moment has arrived. For Decimus Brutus is at his last gasp at Mutina: if he has been relieved, the victory is ours. But if not--which God forbid -we shall all of us hurry with one accord to you. Therefore be prepared in courage and material forces for the great task of recovering the constitution in its full completeness. Good-bye. [p. 203]

DCCCXX (F XII, 7)

TO GAIUS CASSIUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (EARLY IN MARCH)

WITH what zeal I have defended your political position, both in the senate and before the people, I would rather you learnt from your family than from me: and my proposal would have been carried in the senate, had it not been for the strong opposition of Pansa. ¹ After having made that proposal in the senate I was introduced to a public meeting by the tribune M. Servilius. I said what I could about you in a voice loud enough to fill the whole forum, and with such cheering and acclamation from the people, that I have never seen anything like it. Pray pardon me for acting in this against the wish of your mother-in-law. ² The lady is timid and was afraid of Pansa's feelings being hurt. In the public meeting in fact Pansa stated that your own mother also and your brother were against my making that motion. But I was not moved by these things. My mind was set on other objects. It was the Republic of which I was thinking, of which I have always thought, and of your position and glory. Now I hope that you will redeem the pledges which I gave both in senate and before the people at considerable length. For I promised and almost pledged myself that you had not waited and would not wait for any decrees of ours, but would [p. 182] yourself defend the constitution in your own way. And although we have not yet had any intelligence either of where you are or what forces you have, yet I have made up my mind that all the resources and troops in that part of the world are in your hands, and feel confident that by your means the province of Asia has been already recovered for the Republic. Take care to surpass yourself in promoting your own glory. Good-bye.

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¹ The proposal of Calenus supported in the eleventh Philippic, delivered in the senate after the news of the murder of Trebonius, intrusting the war against Dolabella, already declared a public enemy, to Cassius. The contio on the same subject to which Cicero alludes, has not been preserved. They were delivered early in March.

² Servilia, whose daughter Tertia was the wife of Cassius.

DCCCXCIII (F XII, 8)

TO GAIUS CASSIUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (JUNE)

THE crime of your relative Lepidus ¹ and the extreme fickleness and levity of his conduct ² I think that you will have learnt from the gazette ³ of the senate, which I am assured is sent to you. Accordingly, after once finishing the war we have a renewed war upon our hands, and our whole hope is in Decimus Brutus and Plancus. If you would have the real truth, it is in you and our friend M. Brutus, not only for immediate safety, if, what I trust may not be the case, any reverse occurs, but also for securing a permanent liberty. We at Rome have gratifying intelligence about Dolabella, but it does not rest on good authority. Let me assure you that you are the hero of the hour, both from present impressions and future expectations. With this knowledge [p. 301] before your eyes, be sure that you aim at the highest achievement. There is nothing which the Roman people does not think can be accomplished and sustained by you.

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¹ Lepidus and Cassius were married to the two half-sisters of Brutus, Iunia and Tertia.

² Lepidus joined Antony on the 29th of May. This would be known at Rome in about ten days, which will roughly date this letter at about June 8th-10th.

³ The acta of the senate, which would contain the proceedings by which Lepidus was declared a hostis, and Octavian was commissioned to make war on both him and Antony (Dio, 42, 46). For the acta, see Appendix to vol. ii.

DCCCXCIX (F XII, 9)

TO C. CASSIUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (JUNE)

THE brevity of your letter makes me the briefer in mine, and, to speak the honest truth, I can think of nothing to say. For what is going on with us I know for certain is conveyed to you in the gazette, what is going on with you we don't know. For just as though Asia were under blockade, nothing reaches us except rumours of Dolabella being crushed. These rumours are persistent enough, but they as yet lack confirmation. As for us, when we thought the war finished, we have suddenly been brought into the most extreme anxiety by your relative Lepidus. Therefore convince yourself that the chief hope of the Republic rests on you and your forces. We have, it is true, trustworthy armies: but nevertheless, though everything should go well, as I hope it will, it is of great importance that you should come. For the hope of the Republic is small--I shrink from saying "none"--but whatever it is, it is plighted to the year of your consulship. ¹

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¹ M. Brutus and C. Cassius having been praetors in B.C. 44 would naturally be candidates for the consulship in B.C. 42, and, if elected, be consuls in B.C. 41.

CMV (F XII, 10)

TO GAIUS CASSIUS LONGINUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (BEGINNING OF JULY)

LEPIDUS, your marriage relation, and my friend, was on the 30th of June declared a public enemy by a unanimous vote of the senate, as well as all who with him deserted the Republic. To them, however, a chance of returning to their right minds was given up to the 1st of September. The senate was very resolute, but chiefly in reliance on your aid [p. 315] There is, in fact, a very grave war in progress at the moment of my writing this, owing to the crime and instability of Lepidus. We daily hear satisfactory intelligence about Dolabella, but as yet by mere rumour-without definite source or confirmation. But though that is the case, still the letter which I have received from you dated from camp on the 7th of May has persuaded the whole city to believe that he has already been crushed, and that you are on your way to Italy with an army, so that, if affairs in these parts are settled as we wish, we may rely on your counsel and influence; and if there is any mishap--as will occur in war--we may rely on your army. This army, indeed, I will compliment by all the means in my power. The time for that will be when it has begun to be known what amount of aid it is likely to give to the Republic, or what amount it has already given. For at present we are only told of attempts-excellent indeed and most glorious--but we wait to hear of some decisive action: which for my own part I feel sure has taken place or is near doing so. Nothing can be more glorious than your valour and high spirit. Therefore we long to see you as soon as possible in Italy. We shall think that we have the Republic, if we have you. We had gained a splendid victory, had not Lepidus received Antony when he was without provisions or arms and in flight. ¹ Therefore Antony was never such an object of dislike to the state as Lepidus is now. For the former stirred up war when the Republic was in a revolutionary state, the latter when victory had been crowned by peace. Opposed to this war we have the consuls-designate. ² In them we have indeed high hopes, but owing to the uncertainty of the results of battles, we are in all the anxiety of suspense. Assure yourself; therefore, that everything depends on you and Marcus Brutus, and that you are both anxiously expected, Brutus indeed now momentarily. And if; as I hope, your arrival finds our enemies conquered, yet your authority will enable the Republic to [p. 316] raise its head and once more to stand on some tolerable foundation. For there will be many things demanding reform, even if the Republic shall seem fairly well released from the criminal attempts of its enemies.

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¹ Cicero's radical mistake was his view of Antony's retirement, as a flight of a helpless and demoralized force. It was, in fact, a masterly retreat, carried out with great skill and vigour, and with little or no loss; and before Antony came across Lepidus he had been strongly reinforced by Ventidius.

² Plancus and Decimus Brutus.

DCCCXIX (F XII, 11)

GAIUS CASSIUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

TARICHEA (PALESTINE), 7 MARCH

If you are well, I am glad. I and the army are well. I have to inform you that I went to Syria to join the imperators Lucius Murcus and Quintus Crispus. Those gallant gentlemen and excellent citizens, having heard what was going on at Rome, handed over their armies to me and are themselves now assisting me with the greatest gallantry in the public service. Also I have to report that the legion which was under the command of Quintus Caecilius Bassus ¹ has joined me, and that the four legions which Aulus Allienus led from Egypt have also been handed over to me. In these circumstances I do not think that you require urging to defend me in my absence and the public interests, as far as in you lies. I wish you to know that neither you nor the senate are [p. 181] without trustworthy support to enable you to defend the constitution with the highest hopes and the firmest courage. Of the rest you will be informed by Lucius Carteius, my intimate friend. Good-bye.

7 March, in camp at Tarichea.

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¹ See vol. iii., p. 335. Crispus and Murcus had been sent with proconsular authority by Caesar to put down Bassus. Allienus was a legatus of Trebonius (Phil. 11.30). Cassius says nothing of the murder of Trebonius by Dolabella, but he must have known it by this time.

DCCCLII (F XII, 12)

C. CASSIUS LONGINUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

SYRIA, 7 MAY

IF you are well, I am glad. I also am well. I have read your letter in which I recognized your uncommon affection for me. For you seemed not merely to wish me well--as you always have done on private arid public grounds alike--but to have involved yourself'in very grave responsibility and to be exceedingly anxious about us. Therefore, because in the first place I thought that you would believe that we could not remain inactive when the Republic was crushed: and in the second place because, as you suspected that we were moving, I thought you would be anxious as to our safety and the result of the operations, as soon as I received the legions brought by Aulus Allienus from Egypt, ¹ I wrote to you and sent a number of messengers to Rome. I also wrote a despatch to the senate, which I said was not to be delivered until it had been read to you--if by any chance my messengers have chosen to obey me. If these letters have not reached you, I have no doubt that Dolabella, who seized the government of Asia after the abominable murder of Treboinius, ² has caught my letter-carriers and intercepted the despatches. I have now under me all the Roman forces in Syria. I have been delayed for a short time whilst providing the promised pay for the soldiers. I am only just free from that difficulty. I beg you to consider that the defence of my position is committed to you, as you know full well that I have declined no danger and no labour in the service of my country: as on your suggestion and advice I have taken up arms against the most, unscrupulous outlaws: as I have not only collected armies to defend the Republic and liberty, but have also rescued them from the most bloodthirsty tyrants. If [p. 233] Dolabella had anticipated me in getting hold of these armies he would have strengthened Antony's hands, not only by their actual arrival, but also by giving him reason to think 'and expect that they were coming. For which achievements defend my soldiers, since you understand that they have done wonderfully, good service to the state, and secure' that they do not regret having preferred to make the Republic the object of their labours rather than the hope of booty and plunder. Maintain. also the position of the imperators Murcus and Crispus ³ as far as lies in your power. For Bassus ⁴ was desperately unwilling to hand over his, legion' to me. Had not his soldiers in spite of him sent agents to me, he would have kept Apamea closed until it had been stormed. I make these remarks to you not only in the name of the Republic, which has always been the object of your deepest affection, 'but also in the name of our friendship, which I feel 'sure has the greatest weight with you. Believe me that this army is at the service of the senate and all the 'most loyal citizens, and above all of yourself. For from continually being told of your patriotism they regard you with wonderful devotion and affection. And if they come to understand that their interests engage your attention, they will also regard themselves as owing ydu everything. Since writing this- letter I have been informed that Dolabella has arrived in Cilicia with his forces. I shall start for Cilicia. Whatever I succeed in doirig I will take care to let you know promptly. I can only hope that we may be as fortunate as our services to the state deserve. Keep well, and love me.

7 May, in camp. [p. 234]

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¹ See p. 18o. Aulus Allienus was a legatus of Trebonius, and had been sent to Egypt lor the legions stationed there.

² See pp. 204, 210.

³ L. Murcus and Q. Marcius Crispus, who had been engaged against Caecilius Bassus, and had handed over their legions to Cassius. See p. 180.

⁴ See vol. iii., p.335; ante, pp.15 143, 180.

DCCCXCVI (F XII, 13)

CASSIUS PARMENSIS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

CROMMYUACRIS IN CYPRUS, 13 JUNE

If you are well, I am glad.¹ I am well. I rejoice not only at the safety and victory of the Republic, but also at the revival of your glorious reputation. That as the noblest of consulars you have surpassed yourself as the noblest of consuls I am at once delighted and unable to wonder sufficiently. A certain special favour of destiny has been shewn to your virtue--of which we have often had practical proofs. For your toga has been more fortunate than everyone else's [p. 305] arms; and has now once more rescued the Republic, when all but conquered, from the hands of its enemies, and restored it to us. So now we shall live free men: now we shall have you--greatest of all citizens and most beloved by me, as you discovered in the darkest hour of the public fortunes--now, I say, we shall have you as a witness to our love both to you and to the Republic, which is so closely bound up with you. And that which you often promised that you would suppress while we were slaves, and would say of me when likely to be to my service, now, I shall not so much desire to be said as to be felt by you. For I would not wish to be commended by you to the good opinion of others more than to have been commended to your own in a manner worthy of my deserts, that you may judge these recent acts of mine to have been no mere hasty impulses or departures from principle, but in harmony with those lines of thought of which you are a witness; and may think that I deserve to be brought forward prominently by yourself, as giving promise of doing excellent service to my country. You, Marcus Tullius, have children and relatives worthy of you and deservedly most beloved by you. Next to them those also ought to be dear to you in public life who emulate your special branch of learning, of whom I wish you a goodly store: yet after all I don't regard myself as excluded, however great the crowd. You will always have room to receive me, and to employ me in everything you wish and approve. Of the goodness of my disposition perhaps you have already been convinced: my ability, certainly, such as it is, our prolonged servitude has allowed to appear less than after all it really is.

From the sea-coast of the province of Asia and from the islands we have launched all the ships we could; we have levied rowers, with great Opposition on the part of the cities, yet with fair rapidity; and we have pursued Dolabella's fleet, which is commanded by Lucius Figulus. This officer, by frequently holding out hopes of deserting to us, and yet keeping continually edging away, has by his most recent move got to Corycus, ² and having closed the harbour, is beginning to offer resistance. Abandoning that fleet, because [p. 306] we thought it better to make our way to the camp, and because there was another fleet coming, which Tillius Cimber had collected in the previous year, and the quaestor Turullius was commanding, we made for Cyprus. The information I got there I am anxious to tell you as quickly as possible. It is this: Dolabella has been actually invited not only by the people of Tarsus, the worst of allies, but also by the Laodiceans, who are still more disaffected. ³ By the number of Greek soldiers which he has got from both these states, he has secured what looks like an army. He has a camp pitched outside the town of Laodicea, and has pulled down a part of the wall and united his camp with the town. Our friend Cassius with ten legions and twenty auxiliary cohorts, and cavalry 4,000 strong, has a camp pitched twenty miles away at Paltus, and thinks that he can win without a battle: for in Dolabella's quarters corn is already twelve drachmae the medimnus. Unless he manages to get some brought in by the ships of Laodicea, he must soon perish of hunger. That he should not be able to get any in we can easily secure between us--that is, Cassius's fleet, which is a fairly large one under the command of Sextilius Rufus, ⁴ and the three which I, Turullius, and Patiscus ⁵ have brought up. I would have you be hopeful, and feel sure that, as you at Rome have relieved the Republic from its difficulties, so on our part it can be quickly relieved by us. Good-bye.

13 June, Cyprus, off Crommyuacris. ⁶ [p. 307]

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¹ As to the identity of this man--one of the assassins--see my note on Suet. Aug. 4. He is not mentioned before, but is referred to by Horace (Ep. i. 4, 3) as a writer of eminence, and the grammarians who annotated Horace say that he was an Epicurean and wrote satires, elegies and epigrams. He was executed by Augustus at Athens after the battle of Actium--the last of the assassins to perish. Two or three fragments of his poetry have been preserved: and Suetonius quotes part of a letter abusing Augustus. The elaborate and difficult style of this letter--the only one of his--indicates some pedantry and affectation, rather characteristic of the Roman Epicureans. He was perhaps quaestor or proquaestor in Syria now, though one commentator says he was a tribunus militum along with Horace.

² On the coast of Cilicia Trachea (Korghoz).

³ That is, Tarsus and Leodicea were Caesarian.

⁴ Quaestor in Cyprus. See vol. iii., p.367.

⁵ See p.277.

⁶ Krommuou akra, the northern cape of Cyprus.

DCCCLXXVIII (F XII, 14)

P. CORNELIUS LENTULUS SPINTHER TO CICERO (AT ROME)

PERGA, 29 MAY

Having¹ been to see our friend Brutus ² and discovered that he was not coming to Asia for some time, I returned to Asia to finish off the arrears of my business and to transmit the money ³ to Rome as soon as possible. Meanwhile I was informed that Dolabella's fleet was in Lycia, and more than a hundred ships of burden, on board which his army might be embarked; and that Dolabella's plan was that, if he was disappointed of his hopes of getting possession of Syria, he should take ship and make for Italy, and there join the Antonies and the other outlaws. That so alarmed me that, throwing all other business aside, I endeavoured to reach these ships with a fleet of fewer and smaller vessels. And had I not been hindered by the Rhodians, that force would have perhaps been entirely destroyed. After all, it was to a great extent put out of action; for the fleet itself was scattered in all directions by the terror of our approach, the soldiers and officers took flight, the ships of burden, to the last vessel, fell into our hands. At least, I think I have secured--what was causing the greatest alarm--that Dolabella [p. 273] cannot reach Italy, nor make your difficulties greater by reinforcing his allies. How completely the Rhodians thought that it was all over with us and the Republic you will learn from my public despatch. And indeed I have written much more mildly about their delusion than I found it in real fact to be. But do not be surprised at my having mentioned them in my despatch at all, for their infatuation is really surprising. I was not moved by any private wrong received from them at any time; it was their ill-will in a matter involving our lives, their violent adherence to the other side, the persistent disrespect shewn by them to all the best loyalists, that were intolerable to me. Yet after all I don't think that they were all bad men: but that same party of them who in old times refused to receive my father in his flight, ⁴ L. Lentulus, ⁵ Pompey, ⁶ and other men of the greatest distinction, these same men, I say, as though by some fatality are now either actual magistrates or have those who are in office in their power. And so they shew the same proud obstinacy in their malice. That the evil propensities of these men should sooner or later be checked, and that we should not allow them to increase by impunity, is not only to the advantage of the Republic, but absolutely necessary. I hope you will continue as before to defend my position whenever you get an opportunity, and in the senate and elsewhere give your Support to my reputation. Since Asia has been assigned by decree to the consuls, ⁷ and they have been allowed until their arrival to commit the administration to the magistrates now in possession, I beg you to ask them to select me before anyone else for this position, and to commit the administration of Asia to me till one or the other of them [p. 274] arrives. For there is no reason for their hurrying hither during their year of office or sending an army. For Dolabella is in Syria, and, as you have foreseen in your prophetic soul and have foretold, Cassius will crush him while they are on their way. For Dolabella has had the gates of Antioch shut in his face and got a good beating in trying to storm it. Not trusting in any other city, he has betaken himself to Laodicea, on the sea-coast of Syria. There I hope he will speedily pay the penalty of his crime: for he has no place of refuge, nor will he much longer be able there to stand out against an army as large as that of Cassius. I even hope that Dolabella has by this time been overpowered and crushed. Wherefore I don't suppose that Pansa and Hirtius will hurry themselves to go to their provinces whilst they are consuls, but will conduct the consulship at Rome. Therefore, if you will ask them to give me the administration of Asia in the meantime, I hope you may be able to get it for me. Besides, Pansa and Hirtius promised me personally, and wrote to me when I was away, and Pansa faithfully promised our friend Verrius that he would see to no successor being appointed for me during their consulship. It is not, upon my honour, from any special desire of a province that I wish my period of office prolonged; for this province has been to me the source of much labour, danger, and loss. And I am very anxious that I may not have undergone all these in vain, nor be forced to leave it before I wind up what, in spite of my diligence, there still remains to be done. For if I had been able to send the whole sum which I have levied, I should have asked to be relieved. As it is, I want to get in and make up what I have advanced to Cassius, what I have lost by the death of Trebonius, or by the cruelty of Dolabella, or the perfidy of those who have not kept their word with me and the Republic. And this cannot be done unless I have time. Pray take care--as is your habit--that I get my wish through you. I think my services to the state have been sufficient to give me a right to expect not only the reward of this province, but as much as Cassius and the two Bruti got, not only because I shared in that glorious deed and the danger of it, but also from the zeal and integrity of my conduct now. For I was the first to defy the laws passed by Antony; I was the first to bring over Dolabella's cavalry to the [p. 275] Republic and hand them on to Cassius; I was the first to hold a levy to protect the common safety against a most criminal Conspiracy. I was the sole cause of Syria and the armies in it being put under the authority of Cassius and the Republic. For unless I had handed to Cassius such a large sum of money and such strong forces, and with such promptitude, he would not have even had the courage to enter Syria, and at this moment no less dangers would have been threatening the Republic from Dolabella than from Antony. And then, too, I did all this though I was a club-fellow and most intimate friend of Dolabella, most closely allied in blood to the Antonies, and, moreover, in possession of a province by their favour; yet, "loving my country more," ⁸ I was the first to proclaim war against men who were all my friends. Though I am aware that these things have as yet not brought me much profit, nevertheless I do not despair, nor shall I be prevented by fatigue from abiding not merely in my passion for freedom, but also in labour and dangers. Still, after all, if I am encouraged by some just and well-deserved credit through the good offices of the senate and aristocracy, I shall enjoy a greater prestige with others, and be able to be so much the more serviceable to the Republic. I could not see your son when I visited Brutus, because he had already started with the cavalry into winter quarters, but upon my honour I am rejoiced at the reputation he enjoys, both for your sake and his, and especially for mine. For he is like a brother to me, as being your son and worthy of you. Good-bye.

29 May, Perga. [p. 276]

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¹ P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, son ofthe consul of B.C. 57, of whom, as well as of his father, we have heard much before, was one of those who, according to Plutarch (Caes. 67), though not actually engaged in Caesar's assassination, joined the assassins on the Capitol and professed to have been in the plot. He was now in Asia, whither he had gone as quaestor with Trebonius. His year of quaestorship being over at the end of B.C. 44, he is now proquaestor, as having had no successor appointed.

² After the murder of Trebonius, Lentulus went into Macedonia to ask the advice of Brutus (see p.276). Brutus and Cassius had received special authority over all provinces east of the Adriatic from the senate (App. B.C. 3.63).

³ Of the taxes, which he would receive as quaestor.

⁴ From Pharsalia. See vol. iii., p 31.

⁵ Consul B.C. 49.

⁶ The refusal of the Rhodians to receive Pompey is not mentioned by any other authority. Appian (B.C. 3.83) says that he was accompanied to Egypt by some triremes from Rhodes. Caesar (B.C. 3.102) tells the story of the exclusion of the two Lentuli. It was at Cyprus and Antioch apparently that Pompey met with rebuffs.

⁷ That is, Hirtius and Pansa, of whose death Lentulus is still ignorant. They would in the ordinary course of things draw lots for it. Meanwhile the senate had given Brutus and Cassius a general superintendence of all the provinces between the Adriatic and Syria (App. B.C. 4.58).

⁸ philô tekn' alla patrid' emên mallon philôn, said to be from the Erechtheus of Euripides.

DCCCLXXIX (F XII, 15)

P. LENTULUS, PROQUAESTOR, PROPRAETOR, TO THE CONSULS, PRAETORS, TRIBUNES, SENATE, AND ROMAN PEOPLE

PERGA, 29 MAY-2 JUNE

If you¹ and your children are well, I am glad. I am well. Asia having been overrun by the criminal proceedings of Dolabella, I betook myself to the neighbouring province of Macedonia and to those defences of the Republic which the honourable citizen Marcus Brutus had under his command, and urged that the province of Asia and its revenues should be restored to your authority by those who could do so most promptly. This alarmed Dolabella, and therefore, after plundering the province, seizing its revenues, selecting Roman citizens especially to beggar and sell up, he quitted Asia quicker than the protecting force could be brought into it. I therefore did not think it necessary to delay any longer, nor to wait for the garrison, and I conceived that I ought to return at the earliest opportunity to my duty, in order that I might both collect the arrears of revenue and call in the money I had deposited, and ascertain as soon as possible what part of it had been seized, or by whose fault that had occurred, and inform you about the whole affair.

Meanwhile on my voyage by the island route ² into Asia I [p. 277] was met by the information that Dolabella's fleet was in Lycia, and that the Rhodians had a number of vessels fully equipped and ready launched. Accordingly, with the ships which either I had brought with me or the proquaestor Patiscus had secured--a man very closely united to me both by intimate friendship and political sympathies--I diverted my course to Rhodes, trusting in your authority and the decree of the senate, by which you had declared Dolabella a public enemy, and also in the treaty which had been renewed with them in the consulship of M. Marcellus and Servius Sulpicius, ³ in which the Rhodians had sworn to have the same enemies as the senate and Roman people. However, I found myself entirely mistaken. For so far from our strengthening our fleet by any assistance from them, our soldiers were even warned off by the Rhodians from city, harbour, the roadstead outside the city, from purchasing provisions, and finally even from taking in water; while I myself was only just allowed to approach in a single boat. This insult and derogation from the dignity, not only of my official position, but also of the imperial position of the Roman people, I did not resent, because from an intercepted despatch I had learnt that Dolabella, if he had despaired of Syria and Egypt--as was certain to happen-was prepared to embark on board his ships with all his outlaws and all his money and make for Italy; and that for that purpose also some transports, not one of which was less than 2,000 amphorae burden, ⁴ collected in Lycia were being guarded by his fleet. Dismayed by the alarming nature of this report, fathers of the senate, I preferred to submit to the insult and to try first every means, though involving personal indignities. Therefore, being in accordance with their wishes introduced into the city and senate, I pleaded the cause of the Republic with the greatest earnestness of which I was capable, and stated the whole danger of the situation which threatened us, if that outlaw embarked with all his forces. But I found the Rhodians to be so utterly misguided, that they thought the loyalists were the weakest of all parties: that they were more ready to disbelieve in the existing unanimity and agreement of all orders in the defence of liberty: that they were [p. 278] confident that the tolerance of the senate and the aristocracy was even now what it had been before, and that no one would have the Courage to declare Dolabella a public enemy: in fact that they regarded as true all the figments of the traitors rather than what had really taken place and was being stated by me. It was with these views that even before my arrival, after the atrocious murder of Trebonius and numerous other abominable crimes, two embassies from them had gone to Dolabella, and that too contrary to all precedent, ⁵ it being against their own laws, and in spite of the prohibition of the then existing magistrates. Though they might easily have applied a remedy for this crisis, they refused to do so. I don't know whether it was, as they give out, from fear for the lands which they possess on the continent, or from the infatuation or tolerance of a few politicians who on previous occasions equally insulted men of the highest rank ⁶ and now do so to those actually in the chief offices, without precedent and without provocation from us. They refused--I say--in spite of the danger threatening us who were on the spot, and of that which threatened Italy and our city, if that murderer with his crew of outlaws sailed to Italy after being expelled from Asia and Syria. Some of us even suspected the magistrates of having detained us and of having wasted time until Dolabella's fleet was informed of our arrival. And this suspicion was deepened by several things that occurred afterwards, especially by the fact that Dolabella's legates Sextus Marius and Gaius Titius suddenly quitted the fleet on the Lycian coast and fled on board a ship of war, abandoning the transports, in the collection of which they had spent considerable time and labour. Accordingly, when we arrived at Lycia from Rhodes with the ships then in our possession, we took over the transports and sent them back to their owners. Thus we ceased to feel what had been our chief fear--that Dolabella might find means to reach Italy with his outlaws. We pursued his flying fleet as far as Sida, which is the farthest district of my province. There I ascertained that some of Dolabella's ships had scattered and fled, that the rest had made for Syria and Cyprus. These being thus dispersed, as [p. 279] I knew that the very large fleet of the eminent citizen and general Cassius would be ready to meet him in Syria, I returned to my official duties: as I shall do my best, fathers of the senate, to give you and the Republic the full benefit of my zeal and industry; and as to money--I will collect as much as I can and with the greatest possible promptness, and will send it by every means in my power. When I have made a tour of my province and have ascertained who have been faithful to us and to the Republic in safeguarding the money which I deposited with them, and who are guilty of actually handing over public money and by this gift entering into a partnership with Dolabella in his crimes, I will inform you. And if you will pass a severe sentence, should it so please you, upon these men and back me up by the weight of your authority, I shall be able with greater ease both to collect the arrears of revenue and keep that already collected safe. Meantime, in order more thoroughly to protect the revenues and to defend my province from ill-treatment, I have enrolled a guard formed of volunteers and only such as was absolutely necessary. ⁷

After I had written this despatch, ⁸ about thirty soldiers, whom Dolabella had enlisted in Asia, escaping from Syria arrived in Pamphylia. They brought word that Dolabella bad arrived at Antioch in Syria: that not being admitted he made several attempts to force an entry, but had always been repulsed with great loss; and accordingly after losing about 600 men, abandoning his sick, he retreated by night from Antioch towards Laodicea: that in that night nearly all his Asiatic soldiers deserted him: that of these about 800 returned to Antioch and surrendered to the officers commanding the city who had been left there by Cassius: that the rest crossed Mount Amanus and descended into Cilicia, to which number they said that they also belonged themselves: [p. 280] finally, that Cassius with his whole force was reported to be four days' march from Laodicea at the time when Dolabella was pressing on to that town. Wherefore I feel sure that a most villainous outlaw will be punished sooner than I thought.

2 June, Perga.

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¹ The title of proquaestor was explained in a note to the previous letter: that of propraetor arose from the fact that, as there was no regular praetorius or consularis in the province (Trebonius being killed), and as the senate had committed the province to the consuls, Lentulus's position was that of legatus to the consuls, and in that case he exercised praetorial functions, and his regular designation was legatus pro praetore. A few years later Augustus used this title for all governors of imperial provinces.

² As opposed to crossing the Hellespont, reached by the coast road from Macedonia. Per insulas is the technical expression for this route, translating the Greek dia nêsôn.

³ B.C. 51.

⁴ About sixty tons burden.

⁵ Because they always dealt directly with the senate.

⁶ See previous letter, p.273.

⁷ Asia as a peaceful province had no regular army stationed in it. A few cohorts accompanied a proconsul or propraetor as a bodyguard.

⁸ This is evidently a postscript to the preceding despatch, written a few days later and sent with it, and at the same time as the private letter to Cicero which precedes. Tyrrell and Purser arrange it as a separate letter; but I think nothing is gained and something lost by that, and I have followed Mueller therefore in maintaining the old arrangement.

DCCXXXIII (F XII, 16)

GAIUS TREBONIUS TO CICERO

ATHENS, 25 MAY

IF you are well, I am glad. I arrived at Athens on the 22nd of May, and there, as I was very anxious to do, I saw your son devoting himself to the best kinds of learning, and enjoying an excellent reputation for steadiness. How much pleasure that gave me you can imagine without a word from me: for you are not ignorant of my high esteem for you, and how much our very old friendship and very sincere affection make me rejoice in everything good that happens to you, however small, to say nothing of such a great blessing as this. Do not imagine, my dear Cicero, that I send you this report merely to please you. Nothing could be more popular with everybody at Athens than your young man-indeed I should call him ours, for I can have no interest disconnected with yourself. Nor could there be greater devotion than his to the studies which you love above everything, that is, to the most excellent. Accordingly, as I can do with sincerity, I am delighted to congratulate you--and myself quite as much--that we have in him, whom we should be obliged to love in any case, whatever his conduct, one whom we can love with pleasure as well. In the course of conversation he remarked to me that he would like to visit Asia, and was not only invited but pressed by me to do so if possible while I was governing the province. You ought to have no doubt that in affection and love I shall be a father to him in your place. Another thing I shall take care of is that Cratippus accompanies him, that you may not imagine him in Asia as taking a complete holiday from the studies to which he is inspired by your admonitions. For though I see that he is fully prepared, and has already taken a great stride in that direction, I will not omit my exhortations, to induce him to make farther progress every day by learning and keeping himself in practice. [p. 59]

What you at home are doing in politics I am at the moment of despatching this quite ignorant. I hear rumours of certain revolutionary proceedings: but I hope they are false, that we may at length have the enjoyment of liberty and peace-two things that up to now have really never fallen to my lot. However, as I got a brief time of repose during my voyage, I have composed a trifle to send you, as I had designed to do. I have included in it a bon mot of yours which implied a high compliment to myself, and have added a footnote ascribing it to you. In these poor verses, if I seem to you in certain passages to be un peu libre, the abominable character of the man against whom I am too freely inveighing will plead my excuse. You will also pardon my passion, which is no more than is right against people of that kind, both as men and as citizens. Again, why should Lucilius have been allowed to claim this amount of liberty any more than ourselves ? ¹ For even if his wrath against the objects of his attack was as keen as ours, those objects themselves were certainly not more deserving of being attacked with all that freedom of speech. In return I claim your promise of being introduced in one of your dialogues at the earliest opportunity. For I feel certain that, if you write anything about Caesar's death, you will not allow me to sustain the least distinguished part either in actual deed ² or in the expression of your affection. Good-bye. I commend my mother and family to your care.

Athens, 25 May. [p. 60]

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¹ The great freedom with which Lucilius (B.C. 148-103) attacked living people is noticed by Juvenal (i. 165) and Persius (i. 114). The epigrams or satire of Trebonius appear to have been directed against Antony, who afterwards expressed satisfaction at the death which before many months were over he met with at the hands of Dolabella (Phil. 13.22).

² Trebonius did not actually strike a blow in the assassination, but was employed in keeping Antony at a distance under pretence of making him some communication.

CDXCI (F XII, 17)

TO Q. CORNIFICIUS (IN THE EAST)

ROME (SEPTEMBER)

Cicero's compliments to his colleague ¹ Cornificius. I am exceedingly gratified by your remembrance of me as indicated by your letter. I beg you to retain it, not because I have any doubt of your constancy, but because such is the [p. 132] customary request. We have had news of some disturbances in Syria; ² and as they are nearer you than me, I am more concerned at them for your sake than for my own. At Rome, though there is the most profound tranquillity, you would prefer to have some salutary business of the right sort on foot. And I hope it will be so, for I see that Caesar is anxious for it. ³ Allow me to inform you that, seizing upon what I venture to call the opportunity of your absence and the greater freedom that it gives me, ⁴ I am writing with more than usual boldness: and the rest, indeed, are perhaps such as even you would allow to pass; but the last thing I wrote was "On the best Style of Speech," ⁵ on which subject I have often suspected that your taste differed somewhat from mine, though not more than a learned man might differ somewhat from another who was also not without some learning. To this book I should like you to give the support of your approval, if possible from a sincere feeling, but if not at least out of friendship. I will tell your people that, if they choose, they may copy it out and send it to you. For I think that, even if you don't quite agree with its contents, yet, in the lonely spot in which you now are, ⁶ whatever is produced by me will give you some pleasure.

You recommend your reputation and political position to my care. You follow the general fashion in so doing; but I would have you believe both that I consider the affection between us, which I understand to be mutual, to have a supreme claim upon me; and that my opinion as to your [p. 133] supreme ability, your devotion to the highest learning, and your prospect of the most exalted rank is such that I class no one above you and put very few on an equality with you.

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¹ That is, in the college of augurs. There was a vacancy this year by the death of Faustus Cornelius Sulla, and though we don't know it positively, Cornificius may have been nominated to it by Caesar, in reward for his services in Illyricum in B.C. 48-47.

² Cornificius was governor of Africa next year (B.C. 45), but it is supposed from this passage that he was on some service in the East at the present time. The disturbance in Syria was caused by Q. Caecilius Bassus, who, escaping from Pharsalia, got the governor of Syria murdered, and, assuming the title of praetor, held out till B.C. 43.

³ Some of the best of Caesar's laws were passed this year (Dio, 43, 25), but perhaps Cicero means some more or less complete restoration of the Republic.

⁴ A polite hint that Cicero has a great fear of, or regard for, the criticism of Cornificius.

⁵ Orator, ad Brutum. The objection he expects to be taken to this work is the high place assigned to the orator as compared with men of action. The other works of this year are the Cato (lost), Paradoxa, Brutus (de claris Oratoribus).

⁶ Schütz assigns this letter to the next year, in which case the reference might be to Africa.

DCLXVII (F XII, 18)

TO Q. CORNIFICIUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (OCTOBER)

I will answer the end part of your last letter first--for I have noticed that that is what you great orators occasionally do. You express disappointment at not getting letters from me; whereas I never fail to send one whenever I am informed by your family that somebody is going to you. I think I gather from your letter that you are not likely to take any step rashly, nor to decide on any plan before you know in what direction that fellow Caecilius Bassus ¹ is likely to break out. That is what I had hoped, for I felt confidence in your wisdom, and now your very welcome letter makes me quite secure. And I beg you as a special favour that you will, as often as you can, make it possible for me to know what you are doing, what is being done, and also what you intend to do. Although I felt much distressed at your leaving me, I consoled myself at the time by thinking that you were going to a scene of the most profound tranquillity, and were leaving the cloud of serious troubles overhanging us. In both cases the actual truth has been the reverse. Where you are a war has broken out: with us there has followed a period of peace. Yet, after all, it is a peace in which, had you been here, there would have been many things that would not have pleased you, things in fact [p. 336] which do not please Caesar himself. In truth, this is always among the results of civil wars--that it is not only what the victor wishes that is done: concessions have also to be made to those by whose aid the victory was won. For my part, I have become so hardened that at our friend Caesar's games I saw T. Plancus ² and listened to the poems of Laberius and Publilius ³ with the utmost sangfroid There is nothing I feel the lack of so much as of some one with whom to laugh at these things in a confidential and philosophic spirit. You will be the man, if you will only come as soon as possible. That you should do so I think is important to yourself as well as to me.

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¹ Q Caecilius Bassus (quaestor B.C. 59) fought on Pompey's side at Pharsalia, whence he escaped to Tyre. He managed to win over some of the army of the propraetor of Syria, Sext. Iulius Caesar; and, taking advantage of rumours in B.C. 46 of Caesar being defeated in Africa, he caused Sext. Iulius to be assassinated and took over the government of Syria. He fortified Apamea, and there repulsed Antistius Vetus and Statius Murcus, who were successively sent against him, and had dealings with the Parthians. Though Murcus was reinforced by Crispus, governor of Bithynia, Bassus held out till Cassius arrived in B.C. 43, to whom he surrendered and was allowed to go away unharmed.

² T. Munatius Plancus Bursa, tribune in B.C. 52. An adherent of Publius Clodius, and principally responsible for the burning of the Curia when Clodius's body was burnt. He had been condemed for vis, and seeing him at the games Cicero knew that he had been recalled by Caesar. See vol. i., p. 365.

³ Decimus Laberius and Publilius Syrus were writers of minies (vol. i., p. 345; ad Att. 14.2). It is said that Caesar, who employed them in these games, taunted Laberius with being surpassed by the improvisations of the foreigner Syrus. A number of sententiae or sententious verses are extant under the name of Syrus, and a fragment of his on luxury is preserved by Petronius Arbiter, § 55. Laberius died at Puteoli in B.C. 43. They doubtless on this occasion introduced flatteries of Caesar.

DCLXVIII (F XII, 19)

TO Q. CORNIFICIUS (IN SYRIA)

ROME (?DECEMBER)

I read your letter with very great pleasure. The most gratifying thing in it was to learn that mine had reached your hands; for I felt no doubt that you would find pleasure in reading it. I was afraid it would not reach you. I learn from your letter that the war now raging in Syria and the province of Syria itself have been put in your hands by Caesar. I hope it may turn out to your honour and success. I feel confident that it will do so, for I have full reliance both on your activity and prudence. But what you [p. 337] say as to the suspicion of a Parthian invasion caused me great uneasiness. For I was able to conjecture the amount of your forces, and your letter confirms my calculation. Therefore I can only hope that that nation will not move until the legions reach you, which I hear are on their way But if you have not forces adequate for the struggle, do not forget to follow the policy of M. Bibulus, who kept himself shut up in a very strongly fortified and well-supplied town, as long as the Parthians were in the province. ¹ But you will settle these points better on the spot, and in view of the actual circumstances. For myself, I shall continue to feel anxious as to what you are doing, until I know what you have done. I have never had anyone to whom to give a letter without giving one. I beg you to do the same, and above all, when you write to your family, to assure them of my devotion to you.

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¹ There is a touch of malice in this suggestion. Cicero jeers at the over-caution of Bibulus elsewhere. See vol. ii., pp.199, 217.

IX (F XII, 20)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN CAMPANIA)

ROME

Your letter gave me great pleasure, except for the contempt it expressed for my little lodge at Sinuessa. ¹ This insult my [p. 368] bijou villa will much resent unless you make full and complete amends at Cumae and Pompeii. ² Pray do so, and go on loving me and bombarding me with letters of some sort. For I am better at reply than at challenging. But if you continue idle about it, as you are at present, I shall have at you; and your want of spirit shall not produce inactivity in me. More when I have leisure: I scribble these lines while in the senate.

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¹ Ad Att. xiv. 8, Letter DCCVII

² By staying with me in my villas there.

DCXCV (F XII, 21)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME

MY friend Gaius Anicius, a man possessed of every sort of accomplishment, has on urgent private affairs received a free legation ¹ to go to Africa. I should be glad if you would render him every kind of assistance and would take pains to enable him to settle his business as satisfactorily as possible. Especially--what is most valuable in his eyes--I request you to have an eye to his dignity. And I ask that of you, because I myself when in a province was accustomed without being asked to be careful to assign lictors to all senators. That is a compliment which I had myself received, and I knew that it was habitually done by the most distinguished men. Therefore, my dear Cornificius, pray do this, and in all other respects, if you love me, consult for his dignity and his property. You will exceedingly oblige me by doing so. Take pains to keep well.

[p. 363]

APPENDIX A

[The following letters of recommendation cannot be dated, and are put here as almost completing that class of letter, and as being no doubt earlier at least than B.C. 44, or at any rate than the March of that year. The first has been attributed by some to B.C. 63. If that is so, it is the only letter of the year of the consulship: but there is really no means of thus dating it, or indeed of dating it at all.]

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¹ See vol. i., p.110, note (4).

DCCCX (F XII, 22)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME (20-31 DECEMBER)

HERE at Rome we are waging war with the most abandoned, gladiator in the world, our colleague ¹ Antony, but not on equal terms, for it is words against arms. Nay, he even goes so far as to make speeches against you: but he won't do that with impunity, for he will be made to feel what sort of men he has attacked. For myself, I imagine that all public occurences are detailed to you in the letters of others: what you should learn from me is the future, as to which the conjecture is not difficult. It is a scene of universal depression: the loyalists have no leader, and our tyrannicides are in remote regions. Pansa both entertains excellent sentiments and speaks with courage. Our friend Hirtius is somewhat slow in recovering his health. What will happen I do not know at all: my one hope, however, is that the Roman people will at last shew itself worthy of its ancestors. I at least will stand by the Republic, and whatever happens--as long as I have nothing for which to blamee myself--I will bear with a brave heart. This at least I will do to the best of my ability: I will support your reputation and political position. On the 20th of December a very full meeting of the senate supported my motion, which among other matters of great importance confirmed the retention of the provinces by the actual holders, and prohibited their being handed over to any successors, except those nominated by a decree of the senate. ² This motion was made by me in the interests of the Republic, but also, I assure you, with the primary object of sustaining your position. Therefore I beg you for the sake of our affection, I exhort you in the name of the Republic, not to suffer anyone to exercise any jurisdiction in your province, [p. 169] and to act in all respects with an eye to your official position, which is paramount to everything. I will be frank with you, as our friendship demands. If you had obeyed my letter in the case of Sempronius, ³ you would have received the loudest praise from everybody. But that is past and is not very important: but that you should keep your province in its obedience to the Republic is a matter of great gravity. ⁴ I would have written more had not your letter-carriers been in a hurry. So please make my excuses to our friend Chaerippus.

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¹ That is, colleague in the college of augurs. "Gladiator" is the favourite term of abuse of Antony. See 2 Phil. §§ 7, 63; p.136.

² See last letter.

³ What had happened about Senipronius is not known. Cicero thought that Cornificius had in some way either allowed him to do something illegal, or assumesome illegal position in his province. See pp. 186, 193.

⁴ A decree of the senate had transferred the province of Africa to C. Calvisius (Phil. 3.26), but Cicero regards that as canceled by the resolution moved at the end of his speech on the 20th of December. The other transactions he holds to have been carried out under comulsion from Antony.

DCCLXXXIX (F XII, 23)

TO Q. CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME (MIDDLE OF OCTOBER)

Tratorius has explained to me the whole state of the case regarding your governorship and the position of your province. How many intolerable things are being done in all quarters! But considering your high rank, the treatment accorded to you is still less endurable. For because you put up with these things in the loftiness of your spirit and character without excessive irritation, they none the less call for your vengeance, even though they do not sting your heart. But of this at a future time. ¹

I feel sure that a gazette of transactions in the city reaches you. If I had not thought so I would have written an account of them myself, and first and foremost of the attempt made by Octavianus. In regard to this the common people think it a charge trumped up by Antony, as an excuse for making an inroad upon the young man's money. Men of the world, however, and loyalists both believe that it took place and approve of it. ² In short, I have great hopes [p. 140] of him. There is nothing he may not be expected to do in future for fame and glory's sake. Antonius, however, our whilom intimate friend, feels himself to be the object of such violent dislike, that though he caught the assassins within his own doors, he does not venture to make the fact public. On the 9th of October he set out to meet the four Macedonian legions, which his idea is to win over to his side by money-bounties, to lead them to the city, and station them as fetters for our necks. ³

There is the state of the Republic for you, if a republic can be said to exist in a camp. And in this matter I often lament your fortune in not being old enough ever to have had a taste of a sound and healthy republic. And up to this time indeed it was at least possible to hope: now even that is snatched from us. For what hope can there be, when Antony ventures to say in a public meeting that Cannutius is "seeking a place for himself with men, for whom as long as he was alive there could be no place in the state "?

For my part I bear these things, and in fact all that can befall a mortal, in such a way as to make me grateful to philosophy, which not only diverts me from anxious thoughts, but also arms me against all assaults of fortune. And you too, I think, should do the same: and believe that to a man who is clear of all wrong-doing nothing is to be reckoned an evil. But you understand this better than I.

I always thought highly of our friend Tratorius, but I have been specially struck by his eminent fidelity, activity, and good sense in your business affairs. Take care of your health: nothing you can do could please me more than that. [p. 141]

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¹ Q. Cornificius had gone as governor to Africa in B.C. 45 (vol. iii., p. 200). A law of Caesar's had limited a praetorian province to one year. But though Antony had caused that law to be revoked (Phil. 1.19), a successor had yet been nominated to Cornificius in the person of C. Calvisius Sabinus (praetor B.C. 43), who had already been there before Cornificius (3 Phil § 26), and was a devoted Caesarian. See infra, Letter DCCCXXII.

² Whether Octavian did really countenance the attempt to assassinate Antony is a matter of much dispute. Appian (B.C. 3.39) denies it, shewing that it was not in his interest to get rid of Antony at this time. Plutarch (Ant. 16) disbelieved it, and Nicolas (vit. Aug. 30), who probably gives Octavian's own version, says that Antony invented both plot and the report inculpating Octavian, who, as soon as be heard of it, went to Antony's house and offered to act as one of his guard. Suetonius (Aug. 10) of course believes it. See also Seneca, de Clem. i. 9, 1. Cicero evidently had no definite knowledge on the subject. I am myself inclined to the version of Nicolas that the whole thing was a deliberate canard.

³ There were six legions stationed in Macedonia by Caesar with full complement of cavalry and equipment for the Getic and Parthian wars. Antony first extorted from the senate the command of them on the plea that the Getae were threatening Macedonia. Having surrendered one of the legions to Dolabella, he shortly afterwards asked the senate to give him Cisalpine Gaul instead of Macedonia--which was to be transferred to his brother Gaius. The senators-seeing how they were entrapped--refused, but Antony carried it over their heads by a lex: and then sent Gaius to bring over the four legions, leaving one for the protection of Macedonia. With these he proposed to drive Decimus Brutus from Cisalpine Gaul, which the senate secretly instigated Brutus to retain. See Appian, B.C. 3.25, 27.

DCCCXIV (F XII, 24)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME (JANUARY)

I OMIT no opportunity--as is indeed my bounden duty-not only of sounding your praises, but even of securing you marks of distinction. But my exertions on your behalf I prefer being known to you from the letters of your family rather than from my own. Nevertheless, I exhort you, on your part, to throw yourself heart and soul into the cause of the Republic. This is the proper task of a spirit and a character such as yours: it is this which is called for by the hope, which you ought to entertain, of enhancing your position. But on this point at greater length at another time. For at the moment of writing this everything is in a state of suspense. The ambassadors have not yet returned, whom the senate sent, not to beg for peace, but to proclaim war in case he did not comply with the message of its emissaries. Nevertheless, as soon as the opportunity was afforded me, I spoke in defence of the constitution in my old style. I put myself forward as a leader of the senate and Roman people: nor have I since thus undertaking the cause of freedom lost a single moment in supporting the common safety and liberty. But this, too, I should prefer your learning from others. I commend Titus Pinarius to you--my most intimate friend-with an earnestness beyond which I cannot go. I am very much attached to him for all his high qualities as well as for the tastes which we have in common. He is managing the accounts and business affairs of our friend Dionysius, of whom you are very fond, while I regard him as one of the first of men. This recommendation ought not to require any word of mine, yet I make it all the same. Pray therefore let me learn from Pinarius's letters--that most grateful of men--of your kind ness both to him and Dionysius. [p. 174]

DCCCXXII (F XII, 25, §§1-5)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME (ABOUT THE 20TH OF MARCH)

ON the 17th of March I received your letter, which your son handed to me on the 21st day--as he said-from its despatch. Neither on that nor the following day was there any meeting of the senate. On the Quinquatrus Minervae (19th of March) before a full house I pleaded your cause-not unfavoured by Minerva herself.For in fact on that very day the senate decreed that my statue of Minerva, which a storm had thrown down, should be restored. ¹ Pansa read your despatch. It was followed by strong expression of approval from the senate, to my great joy and the great chagrin of the "Minotaur "-I mean Calvisius and Taurus; ² and a decree was passed about you in complimentary terms. A demand was even made that these men should have some stigma inflicted upon them, but Pansa was for milder measures. For myself, my dear Cornificius, on the day (the 20th of December) on which I first conceived a hope of freedom and, while everybody else shrank from beginning, laid the foundations of a recovered constitution--on that very day, I say, I made careful provision and calculation for the maintenance of your position. For it was for my motion as to the retention of the provinces ³ that the senate voted. Nor indeed did I subsequently cease from discrediting the man, who to your great injury and to the discredit of the Republic [p. 186] was retaining the province, though he had himself left it. ⁴ Accordingly, he was unable to stand out against my frequent, or rather daily attacks upon him, and unwillingly returned to Rome: and was driven not from a mere hope, but from what was now a certainty and an actual possession, by my most righteous and dignified invective. That you have employed your eminent courage in successfully retaining your position, and have been complimented by the greatest honours a province can bestow, is a subject of lively satisfaction to me.

As to your defence of yourself in regard to Sempronius, ⁵ I accept your explanation; for that was a dark period of servitude. I, the supporter of your policy and champion of your position, enraged at the position of affairs and despairing of freedom, was on the point of hurrying off to Greece, when the Etesian winds, like loyal citizens, refused to further me in my desertion of the Republic, and a south wind blowing in my teeth carried me back by his strongest blast to your fellow tribesmen of Rhegium. And so from thence I hurried at full speed-sail and oar together--to my country; and the day after my arrival was the one free man in a nation of slaves. ⁶ I delivered such an invective against Antony ⁷ that he could not bear it, and vented all his vinous madness on my devoted head, ⁸ and endeavoured at one time to entice me to give him an excuse for bloodshed, at another tried to entrap me. But I hunted him belching and vomiting into the toils of Caesar Octavianus. For that illustrious youth collected for himself a protecting force--at first in favour of our party, and subsequently in that of the supreme state. And if it hadn't been for him, Antony's return from Brundisium ⁹ would have sealed the fate of Rome. The events which followed I think you know. But to return to the point from which I have strayed. I accept your explanation as to [p. 187] Sempronius: for you could have no fixed principle of procedure in the midst of such complete disorganization.

But time has passed and taught a different way; And nobler manners asks our nobler day,

as Terence says. ¹⁰ Wherefore, my dear Quintus, embark with us, and even approach the helm. All loyalists are now in the same boat, which we are doing our best to keep in the straight course. Pray heaven for a prosperous voyage! But whatever the winds may be, skill on my part at least shall not be wanting: for to what beyond that can virtue pledge itself? For your part keep a good heart and lofty spirit, and reflect that your whole position must needs stand and fall with the Republic.

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¹ Cicero uses the common phrase non invita Minerva, "not without success" (vol. i., p. 363), in order to bring in the double reference to ,the feast of Minerva (quinquatrus Minervae) and to the statue of bust of Minerva which he had dedicated on the Capitol before he went into exile, as a guardian goddess of the city. See de Leg. 2.42.

² As to Calvisius, appointed to succeed Sulpicius, see p. 139. T. Statilius Taurus had been named his legatus. The senate now confirmed Sulpicius in the province of Africa.

³ See p.167-168.

⁴ C. Calvisius made provision for retaining the province of Africa by leaving two of his legates there. See p. 160; Phil. 3.26.

⁵ See ante, p.169.

⁶ Because he refused Antony's summons to the senate on the 1st of September.

⁷ The first Philippic on the 2nd of September.

⁸ In the carefully prepared speech of the 19th of September (p.136).

⁹ Where he had been to meet the legions.

¹⁰ Terence, Andr. 189.

DCCCXXVI (F XII, 26)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME

Quintus Turius, who was a banker in Africa, a good and honourable man, made Certain men of like character to himself his heirs-Gnaeus Saturninus, Sextus Aufidius, Quintus Considius Gallus, Lucius Servilius Postumus, Gaius Rubellius. From what these men have said to me, I have gathered that what they require is a letter of thanks rather than of recommendation. For they spoke of having experienced such great kindness at your hands, that I came to the conclusion that you had already done more for them than I should venture to ask. However, I will venture: for I know how much weight a recommendation of mine has with you. Therefore I beg you to allow the liberality, which you have already displayed without any letter from me, to receive a finishing touch as complete as possible by this one. The chief point, however, of my recommendation is that you should not allow Eros Turius, the freedman of Quintus Turius, to possess himself of the property left by the latter, as up to the present time he has done; and that you should regard these men in all other matters as most warmly commended by me. You will derive much pleasure from their high position and grateful attentions. I beg you repeatedly to be kind enough to do this. [p. 195]

DCCCXXVII (F XII, 27)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME

Sextus Aufidius does not leave my closest friends far behind in the attentions which he shews to me, and in social distinction is second to no Roman knight. His character, too, is so nicely balanced and tempered, that the strictest decorum is in him united with the most large-hearted kindness. I commend this man's African business to you with a warmth and heartiness beyond which I cannot go in such a commendation. You will be doing me a very great favour, if you will take the trouble to make him understand that my letter has had very great influence with you. I earnestly beg you, my dear Cornificius, to do so.

DCCCXXV (F XII, 28)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME (MARCH)

I agree with you that the men whom you say in your letter are threatening Lilybaeum ought to have been punished on [p. 193] the spot; but you feared, you say, being thought to be giving too free a rein to vengeance. That is as much as to say, you feared being thought a high-minded citizen, too courageous, too worthy of yourself. I am obliged to you for renewing the partnership with me--inherited from your father--in working for the best interests of the state. That partnership, my dear Cornificius, will always be kept up between us. I am obliged also by your thinking that I needed no thanks on your behalf. For there ought to be no question of thanks between you and me. The senate would have been more frequently called upon to compliment you, if in the absence of the consuls it had been ever summoned except for the consideration of some fresh complication. Accordingly, neither in the business of the 20 sestertia, nor of the 700 sestertia, can anything be now done in the senate. I think, however, that in virtue of the original senatorial decree ¹ you must raise the money by impost or loan. What is going on in political matters I expect you know from the letters of those whose duty it is to send you copies of the acta. I am in good heart. In prudence, vigilance, and labour I am not wanting. To all enemies of the constitution I avow my most uncompromising hostility. Even now the situation does not appear to be a very difficult one, and it would have been quite free from difficulty had it not been for misconduct in certain quarters. ² [The three following letters of introduction to Cornificius probably belong to the early part of this year, but cannot be dated.] [p. 194]

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¹ The senatorial decree which settled the expenses of a provincial governor (de ornanda provincia).

² He probably means Plancus and Lepidus, who had both advised that some terms should be come to with Antony rather than use their forces in support of Decimus Brutus against him. He may also refer to the consulars in the senate of whom he has complained before.

DCCCXXVIII (F XII, 29)

TO QUINTUS CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME

NOT you only, who are most intimately acquainted with all my concerns, but nobody in all Rome I think is ignorant of the great friendship existing between me and Lucius Lamia. For it was displayed before a large audience at the time of his being banished from the city ¹ by the consul Aulus Gabinius for having supported my recall with freedom and courage. Nor was that the first origin of our affection, but it was just because of its long standing and depth that he did not hesitate to confront any danger on my behalf. To these acts of kindness, or, as I should rather call them, these [p. 196] claims upon my gratitude, an intimate intercourse is to be added, so exceedingly charming, that there is literally no one in whom I take more delight. I do not suppose in these circumstances that you are at a loss to imagine what the terms of my commendation of him will be. For you know well what words are the natural expression of such a strong affection. Consider me to have employed them all. I would merely wish to assure you that if you support Lamia's business, agents, freedmen, or slaves in anything whatever that they may require, you will be obliging me more than if that kindness of yours had affected my own property. Nor do I doubt that even without a recommendation from me you--who are so excellent a judge of men--are certain to do everything with enthusiasm for Lamia's own sake. However, I have been told that you think Lamia assisted in drawing up some senatorial decree ² which militated against your position. But the fact is, he did not assist in drawing up any decree whatever in that consulship. ³ In the next place, all kinds of bogus decrees were at that time being deposited in the aerarium, ⁴ unless you should actually suppose that I assisted in drawing up that decree about Sempronius ⁵ --though I wasn't even in town, as I told you in my letter about it at the time just after it occurred. But enough of this. I beg you repeatedly, my dear Cornificius, to look upon all business of Lamia's as mine, and take pains to make him understand that this commendation has been of great service to him. You cannot oblige me more. Take care of your health. [p. 197]

________________________________________

¹ See p.285.

² See vol ii., p. 76. The decree referred to is very likely that giving the province to Calvisius. See p. 185.

³ In B.C. 44, in the consulship of Antony and Dolabella.

⁴ See vol. ii., p.194; vol. iii., p.107.

⁵ See pp. 160, 186. I think it is more probable that this refers to some decree affecting Cornificius's treatment of this man Sempronius, and not to a decree moved by Sempronius. But we know nothing about it.

DCCCXCIV (F XII, 30)

TO Q. CORNIFICIUS (IN AFRICA)

ROME (JUNE)

Is it really so? Does no one bring a letter from me to you except suitors? There are a good many of that sort certainly: for you have created the impression that no one is effectively recommended to you without a letter from me. ¹ But who among all your friends ever told me of anyone to whom I could intrust a letter without my doing so? Or what greater pleasure have I than writing to you or reading a letter from you, since I am debarred from talking to you? What troubles me more than anything is that I am so overwhelmed with business as not to have the power of writing to you whenever I choose. For I should have bombarded you, not with mere letters, but with whole volumes, with which, however, I ought to have been first challenged by you to respond. For though you are busy, yet you have more leisure than I have, or, if you haven't any leisure either, don't cast modesty to the winds and vex me by demanding more frequent letters, when you only write to me yourself at long intervals. For though I was before this distracted with the most constant engagements, arising from the fact that I consider the safety of the state to require my every thought and care, yet at this present moment I am much more distracted than ever. For as an illness is more serious when after imagining themselves cured invalids suffer a relapse, so is our distress more acute when, after fighting a successful battle and almost putting an end to the contest, we are struggling with a recrudescence of the same war. But enough of this. Assure [p. 302] yourself, my dear Cornificius, that I am not so feeble-minded, not to say unfeeling, as to be Capable of being surpassed by you in good offices or affection. I never doubted it indeed, but Chaerippus has all the same made your affection to me much more evident. What an excellent fellow! He always suited my taste, but now I find him quite delightful. It was not merely your sentiments and words that he conveyed to me: he brought vividly before me your every look. So don't be afraid of my having been annoyed with you for treating me as you do the rest of the world. I have indeed desired a letter from you addressed exclusively to myself, but it was never unreasonably, and always in an affectionate spirit. As to the money which you say you are spending and have spent on your army, I can do absolutely nothing to aid you, because the senate is made helpless by the loss of both consuls, ² and the treasury is in incredible straits for money, which is being called in on every side to satisfy the promises made to the soldiers who have done such excellent public service. Even this I think cannot be done without a property tax. ³ That business of Attius Dionysius ⁴ I think amounts to nothing, for Tratorius said nothing to me about it. As to Publius Lucceius ⁵ I don't in any way yield to you in zealous interest: for he is a close friend of mine. But when I asked the liquidators ⁶ for a postponement, they satisfied me that they were prevented from granting it both by the agreement that had been come to and by their oath. Wherefore in my opinion Lucceius must appear. However, if he has obeyed the letter I wrote to him, he ought to be at Rome by the time you read this. As to the other matters you mention, [p. 303] and especially as to money, you wrote in ignorance of Pansa's death about certain grants which you thought that you might get from him through me. In which you would not have been disappointed had he been alive, for he was attached to you. But after his death I fail to see what can be done. As to Venuleius, Latinus, and Horatius, I much commend you. The next thing you say, however, I don't approve--that in order to soften the matter for them you have deprived your legates also of their lictors: for in outward marks of honour they ought not to be put on a level with men who deserve to be disgraced; and I think that those three men ought in virtue of the senate's decree, if they do not quit the province, to be compelled to do so. This is what I had to say in answer to the letter which I received in duplicate. For the rest, be assured that my own political position is not dearer to me than yours.

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¹ See the recommendatory letters to Cornificius, pp.194-196.

² The consuls had the power of issuing money from the treasury, and even drawing on the reserve fund (vol. ii., p. 263). But in their absence the control of the ordinary treasury was in the hands of the senate. Perhaps Cicero means that the only money available was the reserve, with which the senate could not or would not deal without a consul.

³ Tributum, which had never been levied in Italy since the conquest of Macedonia, B.C. 167. It was apparently levied in the course of this year, but the freedom from it remained the privilege of Italy for nearly three centuries afterwards. See Phil. 2.93; de Off. 2.76.

⁴ See p.173. For Tratorius, see p.139.

⁵ See p.225.

⁶ For the official receivers and distributors of bankrupt properties (magistri), see vol. i., p.14; vol. ii., p.140.